Egypt in the late
seventh and early sixth centuries BC
is often considered the last high point of pharaonic civilization.1
Called the Saite (pronounced say-ite) renaissance because
the country's capital was at Sais in the Delta, the period of the Egyptian
Twenty-sixth Dynasty is noted for its magnificent artwork and its attempt to
capture the grandeur of the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms.2 The
Saite period is most noted for its archaizing and canonizing tendencies. The
artwork and inscriptions were archaizing because the scribes of that period
tried to copy materials from more than a thousand years before, though in the
artwork, the canon of proportions of the human figure was altered because the
earlier canons had been lost,3 and some of the vernacular language
inevitably appears in the inscriptions.4 Canonization appears when
practices that earlier had been variable now became standardized. For example,
before the Saite period, it seems not to have mattered which organ went in
which canopic jar,5 and the Book of the Dead had little regularity
in either the selection of the chapters or their ordering,6 but
beginning in the Saite period, both were standardized. Though the Book of
Mormon gives evidence of Israelite cultural contact with Egypt (1 Nephi 1:2;
Mosiah 1:2–4; Mormon 9:32–33), it provides no evidence whether Lehi
or any of his family members had ever actually been to Egypt. What follows is a
brief overview of Saite history and society that allows the reader to draw
parallels with scriptures and determine their relevance.7
The Saite period was
generally one of peace and prosperity for Egypt.9 After the Assyrian
conquest of Egypt drove out the Twenty-fifth Dynasty invaders from Nubia,
Psammetichus I (664–610 BC)
was appointed by Assurbanipal to govern Egypt. When his Assyrian master left,
however, Psammetichus (also known as Psamtik) allied himself with the Lydian
king, Gyges, and revolted from the Assyrians. Psammetichus instituted a number
of reforms, both economic and political, and lived to help bring about the
downfall of the Assyrians. Under Psammetichus's son, Necho II (610–595
BC), Egypt's major foreign opponent
was Babylon, and when Josiah, king of Judah, tried to interfere with Egyptian
strategy, he was then an enemy as well. After killing Josiah in battle and
removing Jehoahaz (who had been chosen by the inhabitants of Judah and
who had reigned only three months), Necho II saw
to it that the succeeding king of Judah, Eliakim (who was renamed Jehoiakim),
was allied with him (2 Kings 23:29–35). Necho II's son, Psammetichus II
(595–589 BC), was most
noted for his invasion of Nubia in his third regnal year (593
BC) with the aid of Greek mercenaries
who left the first dated Greek graffito in Egypt on the leg of a statue of
Ramses II at Abu Simbel.10 Apries (589–570
BC) also opposed the Chaldeans from
Babylon and allied himself with Zedekiah of Judah. Unable to control his army,
Apries lost his life when his mercenary troops turned on him and elected a
successor, Amasis (570–526 BC),
probably the same capable Egyptian general who had defeated the Nubians
twenty-three years earlier and burned their king.11 Amasis was able
to repel the Babylonians and secure the Egyptian borders. His short-lived
successor, Psammetichus III, died trying to hold off the Persian invasion under
Cambyses in 525 BC.12
From several ancient sources, it is clear that the basis of
Egyptian society was the
family, and even Egyptian society on a larger scale imitated the institutions
of the home.13 The home began with a marriage between husband and
wife that involved an oath14 made in the presence of a religious
official.15 The marriage was seen as a partnership.16
Ninety-one percent of the Egyptians lived in families of some sort,17
and of those who lived alone, most were older and "were probably most often the
sole survivors of their families, living alone because they had been unable to
marry or their marriages had ended."18 This was true of both urban
and rural areas, with the major difference being that rural families were more
likely to contain extended families living together.19 The average
household contained about five people.20
At the age of twelve,
women began to marry.21 Men came of age when they turned fourteen
years old.22 Both men and women were liable for taxes, though the
tax rates for women were less than those for men.23 By age twenty,
sixty percent of women were married, and virtually all would have been
married by the age of thirty.24 Sixty percent of adult women from
ages fifteen to fifty were married at any given time.25 Men seemed
to marry a little later, starting in the late teens,26 following the
proverb: "Take a wife when you are twenty years old so you can have children
while you are still young."27 About half the men were married by the
age of twenty-five, and virtually all would have been married by their early
fifties.28 On the average, husbands were seven and a half years
older than their wives.29 "Long-term stable marriages are
ubiquitous,"30 but broken homes, usually caused from divorce or
death of a spouse, were also known.31 In case of divorce, the
children usually remained with the father.32 The death of a spouse
was a very real possibility since "if a man aged 25 married a woman aged 15, . . . [there was] better than one chance in four that one or both spouses [would]
die within ten years."33 Widowers remarried more often than widows,
and divorced men remarried more often than divorced women;34 all
told, men were twice as likely as women to remarry after divorce or the death
of a spouse.35 An Egyptian proverb reveals a cultural basis to this
phenomenon: "Do not marry a woman whose husband is alive, lest you make an
enemy for yourself."36 Marriage within the same village was
encouraged: "Do not let your son take for himself a wife of another village,
lest he be taken from you."37 Illegitimacy was relatively low (about
three to five percent of births),38 but mortality rates for children
were high. One-third of all females born would not live through their first
year; over half would not reach the age of ten, and only a third would reach
the ripe old age of thirty.39 Slightly under one-third of all males
born would die in the first year, about half would attain their coming of age
at fourteen, and less than one-third would reach the age of forty.40
The mortality rate is also reflected in such popular names as
(pronounced by the Greeks Teephthaphonuchos)
"Ptah said 'He will live,'"41 and dd-bst.t-iw=s-nh
"Bastet said 'She will live.'"42
Burials of the rich were characteristically in rock-hewn chapels, above-ground
tomb chapels, or deep-shaft tombs with oversized anthropoid coffins,43
and burials of the poor were simply in the ground, sometimes with a clay coffin
and sometimes with nothing.44
We also know something
about the governmental hierarchy at this time. The pharaoh ruled all of Egypt
from Sais, but the main government functioned from Memphis.45 Under
the pharaoh were the vizier, and then the harbor master, followed by the chief
of the Ma, a Lybian title.46 Also under the vizier were the generals
who commanded the army and navy, which also doubled as police forces.47
Egyptians in previous centuries having been frozen
out of the possibility of rising through the ranks of the army,48
the Egyptian army was generally mercenary, mostly Greek.49 The
Egyptians also had a navy.50
The priestly hierarchy was dependent on the particular
temple with which it was associated. The three major grades of priests were (1)
or god's father; (2) the
or prophet; and (3) the w'b,
or priest.51 The lower ranks of priests
seem to have been lay workers in the temple, who were organized into four
groups, called phyles. Each phyle served one month and then took three months
off, during which time the priests had another job. To advance in the priestly
ranks, one had to have the approval of the king or his representative,52
as well as an initiation.53 Associations of priests had an overseer
(mr-sn, lesonis) who "functioned as a temple president"54
and who worked through an agent (rd).55
Education was a family
affair. Knowledge of reading and writing was passed down from father to son.56
Education in writing was done by copying models,57 often of didactic
content.58 Additional education was provided by senior officials
mentoring junior ones (usually immediate family members)59 through
correspondence and memoranda.60 Temple libraries loaned out books
and made copies of particular rolls for the benefit of others.61
Literacy rates for ancient Egypt are normally estimated
to be below one percent of the population,62 although more recent
evidence indicates that over half the population may have been literate.63
Egypt also exported some
scribes, since they are attested as far away as Nimrud in the Assyrian empire.64
As literate members of
society,65 priests served as public notaries and experts on law as
well. The legal codes were kept in temple archives.66 Priests served
as judges,67 and judgment took place at the gate of the temple.68
Priests who were in the courtyard of the temple served as witnesses to
documents, often including their priestly titles in their signatures.69
A variety of scripts were employed in Egypt at Lehi's time: (1)
Hieroglyphs were still employed in stone.70 (2) Hieratic was still used on
papyrus71 but (3) was also used on stone, which is both harder to
carve and to read.72 (4) A cursive form of hieratic called either
late Theban cursive or abnormal hieratic was used in the south part of the
country but was being phased out at this time,73 being replaced
through "the reforms of Psammetichus"74 by (5) Demotic,75 a
different variety of cursive hieratic that developed in the north at a time
when the two ends of the country had been politically separate; since the
Saites who reunited Egypt came from the north of the country, the business
script of their area became the standard for the country. Additionally, (6)
some religious manuscripts used a script called linear hieroglyphs that was
midway between hieroglyphs and hieratic. (7) There is at least one example of a
historical text of this time period consisting of a Semitic language being
written in a Demotic script, as well as quotations from one of the psalms of
the Hebrew Bible.76 Egyptian scripts are noted for various playful
writings,77 as well as for plays on words.78 Sometimes
even the Egyptians themselves could not read their own writing correctly.79
A typical temple library
from the Saite period would likely have the following types of books in it:
king-lists, annals, chronicles, prophecies, books of nomes (books describing
the sacred places and deities local to a given area), medical texts, wisdom
literature, hemerologies (books of lucky and unlucky days), oneiromancies (books
for the interpretation of dreams), astronomy texts, lexical texts, ritual rolls
(containing festival procedures and temple liturgies), hymns, lists of
religious utensils, calendars, construction manuals, painting and sculpture
manuals, inventories, property list instructions, oracle texts, priestly
correspondence, temple day books, and account texts.80 The Saite
period is not particularly noted for its literary productions, although some
stories known from Ptolemaic and Roman copies are thought to have been composed
in the Saite period.81
The Egyptian economy in ancient
times was based primarily on the abundance of the Nile and on farming. Egypt
also served as a conduit for goods from locations further south in Africa,82
to the Aegean, Greece, Phoenicia, and the Levant (see Isaiah 45:14),83
not to mention within Egypt itself.84
Although private farms
probably existed, we know the most about the farms connected with temple land
endowments. Kings, and for some reason especially Saite kings, donated parcels
of land to temples to furnish endowments to fund the positions of priests and
run the temple.85 The temple or individual priests would lease the
land for a year to tenant farmers who would return between one-fourth to
one-half (usually one-third) of the crop for the opportunity to work the land
and feed their own families.86 The resulting economic endowments
often provided an immense amount of wealth to those individuals who held the
corresponding priestly offices or priesthoods.87 These priesthoods
were generally passed from father to son, with attendant quarreling among the
sons over the rights to inherit the priesthood and its attendant endowment.88
Priests tried to accrue several priesthoods because that increased their
Information on prices
during Saite times is harder to obtain. Rental agreements on land specify only
the percentage of the harvest for rent and do not record the amount paid. Legal
agreements only rarely give prices. We know that a marriage dowry was usually
about two deben of silver and fifty khar (sacks) of emmer90 and that
the penalty for defaulting on the sale of a cow was five kite (half a deben).91
Prices are available from other time periods, notably Ramesside
and Ptolemaic (332–32 BC),93
but they show too much variation within individual time periods to provide much
of a reliable guide to Saite times. Marketplaces are also poorly attested at
this time. Although we know of marketplace activities from the Old Kingdom
showing the sale of fruits and produce, no contemporary scenes are attested
from the Saite period. The marketplaces themselves are largely unexcavated,
either lying under the floodplain or being swallowed up by the eastward drift
of the Nile river that washed away the previous settlements.94
Egyptian religion centered on the temple. The
activity of the priests in the temples included both daily and periodic
rituals. One of the daily rituals was the care of the cult statue.95
Offerings were prepared before dawn, and all the offerings, as well as the
priests, were purified with soap, water, and incense. All the offerings were
brought to the offering table. After lighting a lamp, the priest entered the
temple proper which, having no windows, was dark. Then the priest entered the
holy of holies,96 the seal was broken,97 and the bolt was
drawn back on the door of the shrine.98 The statue was taken out,99
washed,100 censed,101 clothed,102 anointed,103
presented with the offerings,104 and returned to its shrine.
Finally, the door was closed, bolted, and resealed, and the priest swept his footprints
away as he left. Another of the daily rituals was the execration ritual. A wax
figure of an enemy was spat upon, trampled under the left foot, pierced, bound,
chopped in pieces, and cast into the fire.105
Periodic rituals included
a large number of festivals106 and the consultation of oracles. For
example, on the eleventh month of the year, the statue of the goddess Hathor
"left her temple at Dendera and sailed upstream to meet Horus at Edfu. . . . En
route, the goddess went ashore at several places, including Thebes, to visit
the resident gods and goddesses. Throngs of pilgrims streamed to one of these
towns or to Edfu, and official deputies were sent from Elephantine,
Hierakonpolis, and Kom Mer, and perhaps other places as well."107
This festival of Reunion (hb n shn)108
was depicted on both the temples of Edfu and Dendera.109 During such
festivals—the only time the image of the god left the holy of holies and
became accessible to the common folk—oracles occurred.110
Oracles were the most important source of revelatory guidance on such things as
whether a child would live111 since normally seeing the god was a
privilege only of the prophets and not even of the priests.
Egypt and Judah
The kingdom of Judah
during the late seventh century shared much in common with her superpower
neighbor to the south in culture, religion (see Jeremiah 7:17–20;
44:15–28), and foreign policy, but many of these things were not in
Judah's best interests, however much they may have been in Egypt's. Despite
warnings to the contrary, Judah allied herself with Egypt and, lacking the
other country's natural defenses and military assistance, succumbed to the
Babylonian onslaught. The natural defense afforded by the extensive high
deserts to either side of the Nile was just one of the many differences between
Judah and Egypt. Other differences include Egypt's use of a continuous water
source from the Nile and its annual rejuvenating inundation as opposed to
Judah's lack of rainfall (less than 100 millimeters annually) that made farming
a marginal endeavor relying on the blessing of sufficient rain in order to
produce a crop to sustain the populace. Although many of the demographic
features of Saite Egyptian society might be shared with preexilic Judahite society,
care should be exercised in concluding that anything that was true of Saite
Egypt was necessarily true of Judah.
Saite period Egyptian society bears some similarities to
earlier and later periods of Egyptian history. Its distinguishing
characteristics include being the highpoint of archaism, systemization, and
canonization and the use of a greater number of native scripts. In many ways,
Egypt continued "eating and drinking, marrying and giving in marriage," much as
it always had, "as in the days of Noe" (Matthew 24:37–38). At the
beginning of the Saite period in 664, the Egyptians and the Jews were allies
with a similar point of view; at the end of the Saite period, however, the
opposite was the case. In between these dates, Lehi and his party departed Jerusalem,
avoiding Egypt, but carrying with them certain memories and cultural influences
common to both spheres.
- This is perhaps unfair to the Greco-Roman
period but is indicative of the bias of most Egyptologists; see Robert K.
Ritner, "Implicit Models of Cross-Cultural Interaction: A Question of Noses,
Soap, and Prejudice," in Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from
Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond, ed.
Janet H. Johnson (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1992), 284–86.
- Jaromir Malek, Egyptian Art
(London: Phaidon, 1999), 355, 363–74; Gay
Robins, The Art of Ancient Egypt
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 210–29; W. Stevenson Smith
and William Kelly Simpson, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt,
3rd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998),
232, 239 (2nd ed., 395, 408).
- Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in
Ancient Egyptian Art (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1994), 160–81.
- See Peter Der Manuelian, Living in the
Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-sixth Dynasty
(London: Kegan Paul International, 1994).
- See Alan H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian
Onomastica (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1947), 2:245*–49*.
- For which, see Günther Lapp, The
Papyrus of Nu (London:
British Museum, 1997), 36–49; Malcolm
Mosher, "Theban and Memphite Book of the Dead Traditions in the Late
Period," Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt
29 (1992): 143–72.
- I have tried, insofar as possible, to
cite sources from the Saite period. Sources from other periods have been used
if there has been no compelling reason not to.
- Summaries of historical information are
readily available in, for example, Alan B. Lloyd, "The Late Period
(664–332 BC)," in The
Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, ed. Ian
Shaw (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 369–83; Nicolas Grimal, A
History of Ancient Egypt, trans. Ian Shaw
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 354–66.
- For specific dates, events, and people of
this period, see Robert F. Smith, "Book of Mormon Event Structure: The Ancient
Near East," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 5/2 (1996): 110–28.
- The inscription reads: "When king
Psammetichus came to Elephantine, this was written by those who went on by boat
with Psammetichus, son of Theocles; they came beyond Kerkis, as far as the
river allowed; Potasimto commanded the foreigners and Amasis, the Egyptians.
Archon, son of Amoibichos and Pelekos, son of Eudamos wrote this." Supplementum
Epigraphicum Graecum (Amsterdam: Gieben,
1923–), 16:863; P. W. Pestman, The New Papyrological Primer,
2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 7. For Egyptian
records of the expedition, see Der Manuelian, Living in the Past,
333–71. The expedition brought back 4,200
prisoners, and the Nubian king was burned. Another view of this campaign
appears in Herodotus, Histories
- See the sources in the previous note.
- For which, see Eugene Cruz-Uribe, "The
Invasion of Egypt by Cambyses," Transeuphratène 25 (2003): 9–60.
- Eugene Cruz-Uribe, "A Model for the Political Structure of Ancient Egypt," in For
His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer,
ed. David P. Silverman (Chicago: Oriental
Institute, 1994), 45–53; Dorothy J. Crawford, "The Good Official of
Ptolemaic Egypt," in Das ptolemäische Ägypten: Akten des internationalen
Symposiums 27–29. September 1976 in Berlin
(Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern, 1978), 200.
- John Gee, "Notes on Egyptian Marriage: P.
BM 10416 Reconsidered," Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar
15 (2001): 19–22, 25.
- All the marriage documents that we have
were written by scribes, who filled a religious office in Egypt; Sven P.
Vleeming, "Some Notes on Demotic Scribal Training in the Ptolemaic Period," in Proceedings
of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, ed. Adam Bülow-Jacobsen (Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near
Eastern Studies, 1994), 185; Erich Lüddeckens, Ägyptische Eheverträge
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1960), 248. For the role
of the scribe in the marriage documents, see ibid., 247–53.
- Eugene Cruz-Uribe, Saite and Persian
Demotic Cattle Documents: A Study in Legal Forms and Principles in Ancient
Egypt (Chico, Calif.: Scholars, 1985), 92.
Roger S. Bagnall and Bruce W. Frier, The Demography of Roman Egypt
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 60,
table 3.1, and 67, table 3.2. While information in this source is taken from
censuses of Roman Egypt, it is likely indicative of Saite Egypt as well, with
one possible exception. In the Roman period, as single men aged twenty to
twenty-four outnumbered single women in the age range of fifteen to nineteen by
about forty percent, there was "an appreciable 'surplusage' of younger males
unable to marry and begin a family of their own." Bagnall and Frier,
Demography of Roman Egypt, 121.
The change in the ratio of males to females is likely to have taken place in
the Ptolemaic and Roman periods with the importing of large numbers of soldiers
(males) serving in the army who were brought into Egypt—there they
settled without bringing in any significant number of additional females.
- Bagnall and Frier, Demography of Roman
- Ibid., 67.
- Ibid., 67–68. This, like many of
the other statistics from the Roman period, may not be entirely accurate for
the Saite period.
112. Suggestions that the early age for Egyptian women marrying was based on
Aristotle's political theories seem unlikely; Sarah B. Pomeroy, "Family History
in Ptolemaic Egypt," in Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of
Papyrologists, 595, but see 597.
- Raphael Taubenschlag, The Law of
Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri 332 BC–640 AD,
2nd ed. (Warsaw: Pastwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe,
1955), 167, 178; Pestman, New Papyrological Primer,
- Pomeroy, "Family History in Ptolemaic
- Bagnall and Frier, Demography of Roman
- Ibid., 115.
- Ibid., 116.
- P. Onch. 11/7, in S. R. K. Glanville, Catalogue
of the Demotic Papyri in the British Museum, Volume II, The Instructions of Onchsheshonqy
(London: British Museum, 1955), pl. 11.
- Bagnall and Frier, Demography of Roman
- Ibid., 118–19.
- Ibid., 122.
123–24; Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Demotische Papyri
(Heidelberg: Winter, 1923), 1–19; P. W.
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt
(Leiden: Brill, 1961), 71–75.
- Bagnall and Frier, Demography of Roman
- Ibid., 123.
- Ibid., 126–27.
- Ibid., 126.
- P. Onch. 8/12, in Glanville, Instructions
- P. Onch. 15/15, in Glanville, Instructions
- Bagnall and Frier, Demography of Roman
- Ibid., 77.
- Ibid., 100.
Lüddeckens, Heinz-Josef Thissen, W. Brunsch, Günter Vittmann, Karl-Th. Zauzich,
(Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1980–2000), 17:1365; Jan Quaegebeur,
"Considérations sur le nom propre égyptien Teëphthaphônukhos," Orientalia
Lovaniensia Periodica 4 (1973):
85–100. For the problems with the pronunciation, see Jan Quaegebeur, "The
Study of Egyptian Proper Names in Greek Transcription," Onoma
18 (1974): 403–20.
- Lüddeckens et al., Demotisches
Namenbuch, 17:1364. Other similar names
occurring at the time are dd-imn-iw=f-nh "Amun said 'He will live'"
(ibid., 1362), dd-in-hr-iw=f-nh "Onuris said 'He will live'"
(ibid.), dd-is.t-iw=f-nh "Isis said 'He will live'"
(ibid.), dd-wp-w.wt-iw=f-nh "Wepwawet said 'He will live'"
(ibid., 1363), dd-wsir-iw=f-nh "Osiris said 'He will live'"
(ibid.), dd-bst.t-iw=f-nh "Bastet said 'He will live'"
(ibid., 1364), dd-mw.t-iw=f-nh "Mut said 'He will live'" (ibid.,
(Gr. Kamentebonch) "Montu said 'He will live'" (ibid., 1366),
dd-hr-iw=f-nh "Horus said 'He will live'"
(ibid., 1370), dd-hr-bn-iw=f-th.t=f "Horus said, 'He will not be harmed'"
(ibid.), dd-hnsw-iw=f-nh (Gr. Chensephonuchos) "Khonsu
said 'He will live'" (ibid., 1374–75), dd-t-wry-iw=s-nh "Thoeris said 'She will live'"
(ibid., 1375), and dd-dhwty-iw=f-nh "Thoth said 'He will live'"
- A. Jeffrey Spencer, Death in Ancient
Egypt (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982),
106–8, 185–92, 230–31, 240–41.
Jéquier, Deux pyramides du moyen empire (Cairo: IFAO, 1933), 49; A. Niwinski, "Sarg NR-SpZt," in Lexikon der
Ägyptologie, ed. Wolfgang Helck
and Eberhard Otto (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1975–90), 5:456; Bezalel Porten and John Gee, "Aramaic
Funerary Practices in Egypt," in The World of the Aramaeans II,
ed. P. M. Michèle Daviau, John W. Wevers, and
Michael Weigl (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001), 270–71.
- Alan B. Lloyd, "The Late Period,
664–323 BC," in Ancient
Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1983), 332.
K. Ritner, "The End of the Libyan Anarchy in Egypt: P. Rylands IX. cols.
11–12," Enchoria 17
- Lloyd, "Late Period, 664–323
- Lloyd, "Late Period, 664–323
BC," 309, notes that "most, if not
all, of the warrior class originated from Libyan mercenaries who had settled in
Egypt during the New Kingdom or had subsequently infiltrated the country where
they were probably permitted to take up residence on condition that they
provided military service to the Crown when called upon to do so." See also
Lloyd, "Late Period (664–332 BC),"
- Lloyd, "Late Period (664–332
BC)," 372–73; Lloyd, "Late
Period, 664–323 BC," 284;
Erik Hornung, History of Ancient Egypt
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999), 139; Grimal, History
of Ancient Egypt, 354–55.
- See John C. Darnell, "The Kbn.wt
Vessels of the Late Period," in Life in a
Multi-Cultural Society, 67–89;
Grimal, History of Ancient Egypt,
- Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica,
1:30*–31*, 47*–55*; Lloyd, "Late Period,
664–323 BC," 306–7.
- P. Berlin 13540, in George R. Hughes,
"The So-called Pherendates Correspondence," in Grammatika Demotika
(Würzburg: Zauzich, 1984), 78; Lloyd, "Late Period,
664–323 BC," 303.
- See Jean-Marie Kruchten, Les annales
des prêtres de Karnak (XXI–XXIIIèmes dynasties) et autres textes
contemporains relatifs a l'initiation des prêtres d'Amon
(Louvain: Departement Oriëntalistiek, 1989).
- Lloyd, "Late Period, 664–323
- See Heinz-Josef Thissen, Die
demotischen Graffiti von Medinet Habu: Zeugnisse zu Tempel und Kult im
ptolemäischen Ägypten (Sommerhausen:
Zauzich, 1989), 43–44; Jean-Marie Kruchten, Le grand texte
oraculaire de Djéhoutymose (Brussels:
Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 1986), 152–54.
"Demotic Scribal Training," 186. For the relevance of Vleeming's article to the
Saite period, see ibid., 185: "The premise from which I start is that the
scribal tradition among demotic notary scribes was a continuous one from the
Saite into the Roman period."
Posener, "Quatre tablettes scolaires de basse époque (Aménémopé et Hardjédef),"
Revue d'Égyptologie 18 (1966):
45–65; Georges Posener, "Une nouvelle tablette d'Aménémopé," Revue d'Egyptologie
25 (1973): 251–52; Crawford, "Good Official
of Ptolemaic Egypt," 197. For later examples, see Edda Bresciani, Sergio
Pernigotti, and Maria C. Betrò, Ostraka demotici da Narmuti I
(Pisa, Italy: Giardini Editori e Stampatori,
- Posener, "Quatre tablettes scolaires de
basse époque," 45–65; Posener, "Une nouvelle tablette d'Aménémopé,"
251–52; Crawford, "Good Official of Ptolemaic Egypt," 197.
- Vleeming, "Demotic Scribal Training,"
- Crawford, "Good Official of Ptolemaic
Zauzich, "P. Carlsberg 21 und 22: Zwei Briefe von Bücherfreunden," in A
Miscellany of Demotic Texts and Studies, The Carlsberg Papyri 3, ed. Paul J. Frandsen and Kim Ryholt
(Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near Eastern Studies, 2000),
- John Baines and C. J. Eyre, "Four Notes
on Literacy," Göttinger Miszellen 61
(1983): 65–96; John Baines, "Literacy and Ancient Egyptian Society," Man
18 (1983): 572–99.
- H. S. Smith, "The Saqqara Papyri: Oracle Questions, Pleas and Letters," in Acts
of the Seventh International Conference of Demotic Studies
(Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near
Eastern Studies, 2002), 373–75.
- ND 10048, line 19, in J. V. Kinnier
Wilson, The Nimrud Wine Lists (London:
British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1972), pl. 20.
- Vleeming, "Demotic Scribal Training,"
186; Smith, "Saqqara Papyri," 374.
- Bernadette Menu, "Les juges égyptiens
sous les dernières dynasties indigènes," in Acta Demotica =Egitto e Vicino Oriente
17 (1994): 218–19; Vleeming, "Demotic Scribal
- Menu, "Les juges égyptiens sous les
dernières dynasties indigènes," 218–19.
Quaegebeur, "La justice à la porte des temples et le toponyme Premit," in Individu,
société et spiritualité dans l'Égypte pharaonique et copte. Mélanges
égyptologiques offerts au Professeur Aristide Théodoridès,
ed. Christian Cannuyer and Jean-Marie Kruchten
(Brussels: Association Montoise d'Égyptologie, 1993), 201–20; Menu, "Les
juges égyptiens sous les dernières dynasties indigènes," 219–20.
- Vleeming, "Demotic Scribal Training,"
- Mark Depauw, A Companion to Demotic
Studies (Brussels: Fondation Égyptologique
Reine Élisabeth, 1997), 28–31.
Verhoeven, Untersuchungen zur Späthieratischen Buchschrift
(Louvain: Peeters, 2001), 16–21; Depauw, Companion
to Demotic Studies, 31–32.
- John Gee, "Two Notes on Egyptian Script,"
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 5/1
(1996): 164–65, 174–76.
Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques en hiératique
anormal et en démotique (vol. 1:
Paris: Champion, 1953; vol. 2: Cairo, IFAO, 1983), 1:iv–xvi; Gee, "Two
Notes on Egyptian Script," 162–64, 166–74. To the literature cited
there, add Günter Vittmann, "Ein kursivhieratisches Wörterbuch," in Aspects
of Demotic Lexicography, ed. Sven
P. Vleeming (Louvain: Peeters, 1987), 149–51; Depauw, Companion to
Demotic Studies, 22.
- Ritner, "End of the Libyan Anarchy in
- For an overview, see Depauw, Companion
to Demotic Studies, 22–23.
- For bibliography, see John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and
Translation of the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon
6/1 (1994): 96–97 n. 147, to which now add
Depauw, Companion to Demotic Studies, 39–41, and for historical aspects, Grant Frame, Babylonia
689–627 BC: A Political
History (Leiden: Nederlands
Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1992), 19–20, 96 n. 157,
109, 131 n. 1, 137, 140, 154–55, 239 n. 150.
Malinine, "Jeux d'écriture en démotique," Revue d'Égyptologie
19 (1967): 163–66; P. W. Pestman, "Jeux de
déterminatifs en démotique," Revue d'Égyptologie
25 (1973): 21–34.
- Janet H. Johnson and Robert K. Ritner,
"Multiple Meaning and Ambiguity in the 'Demotic Chronicle,'" in Studies in Egyptology
Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, ed. Sarah
Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1990), 1:494–506.
- P. W. Pestman, "A Comforting Thought for
Demotists? Errors of Scribes in the 'Archive of the Theban Choachytes,'" in Studie
in onore di Edda Bresciani, ed. S. F.
Bondi, S. Pernigotti, F. Serra, and A. Vivian (Pisa: Giardini Editori e
Stampatori, 1985), 413–22.
- The list is slightly modified from Donald
B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books: A Contribution to
the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History
(Mississauga, Canada: Benben, 1986), 215–23.
Posener, Le Papyrus Vandier
(Cairo: IFAO, 1985); Ariel Shisha-Halevy, "Papyrus Vandier Recto:
An Early Demotic Literary Text?" Journal of
the American Oriental Society
109/3 (1989): 421–22; Kim Ryholt, The Story of Petese Son of Petetum
and Seventy Other Good and Bad Stories (Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near Eastern Studies, 1999),
88–89; Kim Ryholt, "A New Version of the Introduction to the Teachings of
'Onch-Sheshonqy (P. Carlsber 304 + PSI inv. D 5 + P. CtYBR 4512 + P. Berlin P
30489)," in A Miscellany of Demotic Texts, 119–20.
- Indicative (although it applies to the
Ptolemaic period) is François Daumas, "Les textes géographiques du trésor D' du
temple de Dendara," in State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East
(Louvain: Departement Oriëntalistiek, 1979),
- Lloyd, "Late Period (664–332
BC)," 374–76; Grimal, History
of Ancient Egypt, 355.
R. Hughes, "Are There Two Demotic Writings of sw?" Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo
14 (1956): 80–88.
- The basic work is Dimitri Meeks, "Les
donations aux temples dans l'Égypte du Ier
millénaire avant J.-C.," in State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near
East, 2:605–87. Of the actual
donation stele, by my count thirty-five percent come from the Saite period.
R. Hughes, Saite Demotic Land Leases (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), 3–5, 74–75;
for the rates, see the individual documents published in ibid., 9–10, 18,
28–29, 51–52, 68–69.
financial excesses may stand in part behind the Book of Mormon condemnation of
"priestcraft." In addition, the association of the term priesthood
with the idea of "priestly office" may account for
the Book of Mormon usage that similarly connects the term priesthood
with the office of the high priest. Thus, the text
speaks of the fact that "Alma delivered up the judgment-seat to Nephihah, and
confined himself wholly to the high priesthood of the holy order of God,
to the testimony of the word, according to the
spirit of revelation and prophecy" (Alma 4:20), while at the same time
explaining: "Now Alma did not grant unto [Nephihah] the office of being high
priest over the church, but he
retained the office of high priest unto himself; but he delivered the
judgment-seat unto Nephihah" (Alma 4:17–18). Thus the phrase the
office of . . . high priest over the church is equivalent here to the phrase high priesthood of the holy order of
list the most famous examples: P. Rylands IX; see F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue
of the Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library Manchester
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1909),
1:pl. XXIII–XLVII; 2:pls. 21–42; 3:60–112; Günter Vittmann, Der
demotische Papyrus Rylands 9, 2
vols. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998). For the Battle over the Prebend of Amon,
see Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Der Sagenkreis des Königs Petubastis
(Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1910); Bruno H. Stricker, "De
strijd om de praebende van Amon," Oudheidkundige mededeelingen uit het
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden
29 (1948): 71–83; Friedhelm Hoffmann, "Die Länge des P. Spiegelberg," in Acta
Demotica =Egitto e Vicino
(1994): 145–55; Friedhelm Hoffmann, "Der
Anfang des Papyrus Spiegel berg—Ein
Versuch zur Wiederherstellung," in Hundred-Gated Thebes,
ed. Sven P. Vleeming (Leiden: Brill, 1995),
43–60; Depauw, Companion to Demotic Studies,
- Janet H. Johnson, "The Role of the
Egyptian Priesthood in Ptolemaic Egypt," in Egyptological Studies in Honor
of Richard A. Parker, ed. Leonard H. Lesko
(Hanover: University Press of New England, 1986), 78–79.
- Lüddeckens, Ägyptische Eheverträge,
- Cruz-Uribe, Saite and Persian Demotic
Cattle Documents, 17–18, 19–20,
26–27, 31; for half price for half a cow, see ibid., 15.
- Jac J. Janssen, Commodity Prices from
the Ramesside Period (Leiden: Brill, 1975).
- Perhaps the best source is Lüddeckens, Ägyptische
- Karl W. Butzer, Early Hydraulic
Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 34–36 and chart on p. 15.
section relies extensively on six documents: (1) The ritual for the daily cult
of Amon (Third Intermediate Period), P. Berlin 3055, in Adolf Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus aus den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1901), 1:Taf. I–XXXVII; (2) the ritual for the daily cult of Mut (Third Intermediate Period), P. Berlin 3014+3053, in
Erman, Hieratische Papyrus,
1:Taf. 38–66; (3) the daily cult ritual of the temple of Horus at Edfu
(Ptolemaic Period), in Maurice Alliot, Le culte d'Horus à Edfou au temps des
Ptolémées, 2 vols. (Cairo: IFAO,
1949–54); (4) P. Bremner Rhind (Ptolemaic Period), in Raymond O. Faulkner,
The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (British Museum No. 10188)
(Brussels: Fondation Égyptologique Reine
Élisabeth, 1933); (5–6) the Abydos execration ritual in P. Louvre 3129
and P. BM 10252, both in Siegfried Schott, Urkunden mythologischen Inhalts
(Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1929–1939), VI
- P. Berlin 3055 2/4–3/3, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. II–III; P. Berlin
3014 1/5–2/6, in ibid., 1:Taf. 38–39.
- P. Berlin 3055 3/3–8, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. III; P. Berlin 3014
2/6–10, in ibid., 1:Taf. 39.
- P. Berlin 3055 3/8–4/6, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. III–IV; P. Berlin 3014
2/10–3/10, in ibid., 1:Taf. 39–40.
- P. Berlin 3055 26/2–10, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. XXVI; P. Berlin 3053
21/2–22/6, in ibid., 1:Taf. 54–55.
- P. Berlin 3055 26/9–27/7, in Erman, Hieratische Papyrus,
- P. Berlin 3055 27/7–10, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. XXVII.
- P. Berlin 3055 27/10–30/8, in Erman, Hieratische Papyrus,
- P. Berlin 3055 30/8–32/8, in Erman, Hieratische Papyrus,
- P. Berlin 3055 37/6–8, in Erman, Hieratische
Papyrus, 1:Taf. XXXVII.
- Schott, Urkunden mythologischen Inhalts,
VI 5, 37–53; P. Bremner Rhind 22/2–23/16, in Faulkner, Papyrus Bremner-Rhind,
42–47. For these actions in their larger
ancient Egyptian context, see Erik Hornung, Das Amduat: Die Schrift des
verborgenen Raumes (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1963), 1:12, 15, 21, 28, 105, 120, 124–26, 163–65,
188–90; 2:26, 29–30, 48, 132–34, 158–59, 180–82;
Erik Hornung, Altägyptische Höllenvorstellungen
(Berlin: Akademie, 1968), 17–29; Anthony
Leahy, "Death by Fire in Ancient Egypt," Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient 27 (1984):
199–206; Georges Posener, Le Papyrus Vandier
(Cairo: IFAO, 1985), 32–33, 75–77;
Anthony Leahy, "A Protective Measure at Abydos in the Thirteenth Dynasty," Journal
of Egyptian Archaeology 75
(1989): 43, 45 n. n; Erik Hornung, Die Unterweltsbücher der Ägypter
(Zürich: Artemis, 1989), 61, 65, 70–71, 73,
77, 82–83, 88, 102–3, 112, 116–17, 119–21, 127,
130–32, 134–35, 142–43, 149, 154–55, 159–60,
164–65, 168–69, 174–75, 179–81, 183–84,
186–87, 191–92, 206–7, 227, 254–55, 268, 270–73,
278–79, 282–83, 299–301, 314–15, 361, 404–5, 407,
454–55, 459, 477, 490–91; Harco Willems, "Crime, Cult and Capital
Punishment (Mo'alla Inscription 8)," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
76 (1990): 37, 40–41, 46–47,
49–51; Scott Morschauser, Threat-Formulae in Ancient Egypt: A Study of
the History, Structure and Use of Threats and Curses in Ancient Egypt
(Baltimore: Halgo, 1991), 81, 96–109, 115,
132–33, 135; Erik Hornung, Idea into Image: Essays on Ancient Egyptian
Thought, trans. Elizabeth Bredeck
(New York: Timken, 1992), 99–102; Robert K. Ritner, The Mechanics of
Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice
(Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1993), 82–88, 113–36, 142–44,
157–59, 163–71; Lorelei H. Corcoran, Portrait Mummies from Roman
Egypt (I–IV Centuries AD)
with a Catalog of Portrait Mummies in Egyptian Museums
(Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1995), 53–55.
- For the festivals, see Sherif el-Sabban, Temple
Festival Calendars of Ancient Egypt
(Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000).
- Ragnhild B. Finnestad, "Temples of the
Ptolemaic and Roman Periods: Ancient Traditions in New Contexts," in Temples
of Ancient Egypt, ed. Byron E. Shafer
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997), 225–26.
- On the festival in general, see Maurice Alliot, Le culte d'Horus à Edfou au
temps des Ptolémées (Cairo: IFAO,
1954), 2:453–58; Hartwig Altenmüller, "Die Fahrt der Hathor nach Edfu und
die »Heilige Hochzeit«," Egyptian Religion: The Last Thousand Years:
Studies Dedicated to the Memory of Jan Quaegebeur,
ed. Willy Clarysse, Antoon Schoors, and Harco
Willems (Louvain: Peeters,
"Temples of the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods," 221.
- See Jaroslav Cerný, "Le culte d'Amenophis Ier chez les ouvriers
de la nácropole thébaine," Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie
orientale 27 (1927):
159–203, pls. I–IX; Jaroslav Cerný, "Une expression
désignant la réponse négative d'un oracle," Bulletin de l'Institut français
d'archéologie orientale 30
(1931): 491–96; Jaroslav Cerný, "Questions adressées aux oracles,"
Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale
35 (1935): 41–58, pls. I–IV; Jaroslav Cerný, "Le tirage au sort," Bulletin de l'Institut français
d'archéologie orientale 40
(1941): 135–41; Jaroslav Cerný, "Nouvelle série de questions
addressées aux oracles," Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie
orientale 41 (1942): 13–24,
pls. I–III; Jaroslav Cerný, "Egyptian Oracles," in Richard A.
Parker, A Saite Oracle Papyrus from Thebes (Providence, R.I.: Brown University Press, 1962), 35–48;
Jean-Marie Kruchten, "Un instrument politique original: la «belle fête de
ph-ntr» des rois-pretres de la XXIe dynastie," Bulletin de la
Société Française d'Égyptologie
103 (June 1985): 6–26; John Baines, "Practical Religion and Piety," Journal
of Egyptian Archaeology 73
(1987): 88–93; Alexandra von Lieven, "Divination in Ägypten," Altorientalische
Forschungen 26 (1999):
77–126; Karl-Th. Zauzich, "Die demotischen Orakelfragen—eine
Zwischenbilanz," in A Miscellany of Demotic Texts,
1–25; Ritner, Mechanics of Ancient
Egyptian Magical Practice,
214–20; Kruchten, Le grand texte oracular de Djéhoutymose,
63–65, 328–32; Janet H. Johnson,
"Louvre E 3229: A Demotic Magical Text," Enchoria
7 (1977): 90–91; Teresa R. Moore, "The Good
God Amenhotep: The Deified King as a Focus of Popular Religion during the
Egyptian New Kingdom" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1994),
346; A. G. McDowell, Jurisdiction in the Workmen's Community of Deir
el-Medîna (Leiden: Nederlands
Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1990), 107–41, 255–59; Siegfried
Morenz, Egyptian Religion,
trans. Ann E. Keep (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973), 107; John
Gee, "The Earliest Example of ph-ntr?" Göttinger Miszellen 194
- Parker, A Saite Oracle Papyrus from
Thebes, 43; Zauzich, "Die demotischen