Back to part 2 of "Scientific Evidence for Pre-Columbian Transoceanic Voyages to and from the Americas"

Ocimum sp.

Origin: Old World?

Summary: We have data on three species of Ocimum but are uncertain of all synonymies. Nevertheless, it is clear that at least one species was shared between India and Mesoamerica.

More study is required on why a plant of a taxon called americanum would have two Sanskrit names. Distribution of O. basilicum throughout the Americas also needs explanation, since it has a long history in India, where it is said to be indigenous, bears two Sanskrit names, and probably is also mentioned in a Hindu text no later than AD 400.

The genus (species not certain) was found in an archaeological site in India before 800 BC. Yet at the time of the Spanish Conquest 'sweet basil' was growing in Mesoamerica.

Transfer: Old World to New?

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian.

Grade: B

Ocimum americanum

Source: Ocimum americanum (syn. canum)—hoary basil

Pullaiah 2002, II, 384. Sanskrit: vanabarbarika, aranyathullasi

See also above, Ocimum sp.

Ocimum basilicum

Sources: Ocimum basilicum—French basil

Chopra et al. 1958, 680. Sanskrit: munjariki. Herb common throughout India. 517. Medicinal uses. Indigenous to the lower hills of the Punjab. Cultivated throughout the greater part of India.

MOBOT 2003. Distribution: North, Middle, and South America; Africa; China.

Saraswat, Sharma, and Saini 1981, 316. Ocimum sp. A carbonized branch (species undetermined) was excavated from the Sanghol site in each of Periods I and II (1300—800 BC and 800—600 BC respectively).

Pullaiah 2002, II, 385. Ocimum basilicum. Sanskrit: barbari, munjarik. ('Sweet,' or 'common' basil.). Medicinal uses.

Dastur n.d., 172—3. Sweet, or common basil. Indigenous to Sind and the lower hills of the Punjab; cultivated throughout the greater part of India and Pakistan.

See also above, Ocimum sp.

Ocimum sanctum

Sources: Ocimum sanctum (?syn. micranthum; syn. tenniflorum, or tenuiflorum), sweet basil, holy basil.

Tozzer 1941, 194. Sweet basil was very abundant in Yucatan. Note 1033. Ocimum micranthum Willd., albahaca in Spanish (in modern Spanish, alebaca).

MOBOT 2003. Alfavaca is O. sanctum, holy basil.

Aiyer 1956, 27. Species not given but "basil" is mentioned in the Ramayana and in Charaka Samhita text, no later than 400AD.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 385. Ocimum tenniflorum (syn. sanctum). Sanskrit: surasa, vrinda ("sacred basil"). O. basilicum, Sanskrit: barbari, munjarik. (Sweet or common basil). Medicinal uses.

Dastur n.d., 172—3. Holy, or sacred basil. Distributed throughout India and Pakistan.

Saraswat, Sharma, and Saini 1981, 316. Ocimum sp. A carbonized branch (species undetermined) was excavated from the Sanghol site in each of Periods I and II (1300—800 BC; 800—600 BC).

Heywood 1993. This species was regularly grown near temples in southwestern Asia.

Gupta 1996, 131—2. The plant is called bhutagni (Sanskrit?) and is planted in the house so that no evil spirits come near it. It is symbolically and ritually associated with marriage. Its use is old, being mentioned in five different puranas.

See also above the material under Ocimum sp.

Opuntia dillenii

Origin: Americas

Summary: The fact that some cacti were considered indigenous to India, together with the degree of naturalization varieties seem to show, hints that cactus plants may have been there before the Portuguese could have brought them. That notion is bolstered by the fact of Sanskrit names for a cactus considered of New World nativity. In the Near East there are further hints that this species lived in the area much earlier than usually assumed. (Consider also the entry on Agave sp.)

Transfer: Americas to India or the Near East

Time of transfer: while Sanskrit was still a living language, i. e, before AD 1000, at least.

Grade: B

Sources: Opuntia dillenii (syn. megacantha; syn. streptacantha; syn. amyclaea; syn. ficus-indicus; syn. Cactus Indicus)—prickly pear cactus—(Kew. syn. ficus-indicus {Haw., Am. Austr.})

Nadkarni 1914, 266. O. dillenii (syn. Cactus indicus). English: prickly-pear. Native of the Americas, now naturalized in India, in great tracts.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 389. Opuntia stricta (syn. dillenii). Sanskrit: vidara, visvasraka.

Torkelson 1999, 1798. (syn. Cactus indicus) Sanskrit: vidara

Chopra et al. 1956, 178. Sanskrit: vidara. "Introduced in India."

Jeffreys 1976, 9—28. Among the plants he suggests that were in Africa before the Portuguese was "the prickly pear."

Patiño 1963, 359. The name tuna is from the Taino language, generalized throughout South America. In Mexico, the name is applied only to the fruit, while the plant is called nopal.

Towle 1961, 71. Species of Opuntia are widely distributed in Peru. Plants of this genus are often reproduced on pottery vessels.

Roys 1931, 273. Mayan: "Pakam, or Pakan. Opuntia Dillenii (Gawler) Haw. Tuna, nopal. Pakam is probably a general name for the prickly-pear." Motul gives "Pakam. Tunas on whose leaves the cochineal is bred."

Dressler 1953, 139. This species is the plant on which the early Mexicans cultivated the cochineal insect. The present[-day] cultivation of cochineal in Oaxaca is said to utilize varieties of O. ficus-indica.

Forbes 1956, 102. "We also have hints in later Jewish documents that the cactus cochenillefera was grown near Nablus, and the insect producing the red dye was fed on it." Abrahams and Edelstein reported that analysis of Bar Kokhba-period textiles (ca. AD 135) from Judea revealed the dye chemical characteristic of cochineal. [But see Robinson 1969, below.] The raising of cactus in the Near East remains unproved, although today at least two Opuntia species are naturalized in the Mediterranean Basin, according to Groves and di Castri (1991, 68).

Jett 1998, 143—4. True (Mexican) cochineal is generally considered post-Columbian in the Eastern Hemisphere, although, according to Wulff (1966, 189), true cochineal [probably not so?; see Robinson 1969] was mentioned as early as the time of Sargon II of Assyria, in 714 BC as coming from Armenia and northern Persia.

Robinson (1969, 25) states that "Cochineal made from . . . Coccus cacti . . . came to Europe from the New World [after Columbus' discovery], but recent discoveries in the Ararat Valley and adjacent areas suggest it was known and used by the Assyrians before the 7th century BC, being produced in the Armenian mountains." Others say that what was referred to was a native grass-parasite, an Armenian coccid, Porphyrrophora hamel.

Dhamija (1990, 841) reports that this Armenian red "is chemically similar to New World cochineal," that is, it contains carminic acid, the key colorant in cochineal. An early medieval textile from Gujarat, India, has been found in Egypt, that perhaps utilizes cochineal dye (Rosenberg et al. 1993, 93).

Townsend 1925. "'Opuntia' and all Cactaceae are of American origin, but various species of Opuntia have been known in Asia and Africa from remote times." [Caution: Townsend exhibits an unsophisticated knowledge of botany and entomology at some points.]

Watt (1892, VI, Part I, 109) lists Opuntia dillenii, Haw. Prickly pear. "Originally brought from America but now quite naturalized." No Sanskrit name is known. A separate entry is in Watt, 1892, V, 490—2. Roxburgh, who described this under the name Cactus indicas, believed it to be a native of India. However, no references are made by Greek or Roman writers. First mention is by Spanish and Portuguese sources. "Most probable that it was introduced by the Portuguese." The cochineal insect was brought to India in 1795. Then, this (plant) species was so prevalent in India that writers spoke of this cactus as indigenous. Insects thrived on it as much as on Opuntia species specifically brought with the insect.

Pandey 2000, 272. O. dillenii, from South America, is a species "naturalized throughout India," while (273) Opuntia vulgaris is listed as naturalized in some parts of India.

MOBOT 2003. Distribution of O. dillenii is given as North, Middle, and South America, the Caribbean, Europe, Asia, and Africa. "Indigenous in Mexico."

Desmond 1992, 209—10. In the late 1700s, "as opuntias were widely distributed in India and especially in Bengal, it was assumed by Anderson and other naturalists that they were native to the country. They did not know that this invasive genus had been introduced from the New World, probably by the Portuguese, although for what purpose is a matter for speculation."

Osteomeles anthyllidifolia

Origin: Americas

Summary: Distributed widely in Pacific islands and perhaps in the Far East, this positively suggests human transport from the Americas.

Transfer: Americas into Pacific islands (as far as China?)

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B

Sources: Osteomeles anthyllidifolia Ldl. (Kew. {Ins. Pacif., China})

Safford 1905, 233. In a footnote under Cocos nucifera: "Another interesting example of the wide dissemination of a plant belonging to an American genus is that of Osteomeles anthyllidifolia, all save one of whose congeners are indigenous to the Andes, but which occurs in the Hawaiian Islands, Pitcairn, Rarotonga, the Bonin Islands, and the Liu-kiu [Ryukyu] group, near Formosa."

Bailey 1935, II, 2414. There are three species of the genus in East Asia and Polynesia. The South American genus Hesperomeles, with about 10 species, of which none seems to be in cultivation, is sometimes united with Osteomeles. O. anthyllidifolia, Lindl. is spread from Hawaii to Pitcairn Island. In the Hawaiian Islands, it is known as uhi-uhi. (Two East Asian species are also mentioned, from China and Japan.)

Bretschneider 1892, 429. A Japanese source (date uncertain) gives (Chinese) characters for the name of this plant or Osteomeles subrotunda, Koch (syn. O. anthyllidifolia, Ldl.)

Pachyrhizus erosus

Origin: Americas

Summary: The species is long naturalized in India, so much so that it has been considered indigenous and bears a Sanskrit name.

Transfer: Americas to India

Time of transfer: at least before AD 1000 and probably much earlier

Grade: A

Sources: Pachyrhizus erosus—jicama, yam bean, xicama

Towle 1961, 51—2. Widely cultivated and naturalized in the tropical regions of both New and Old Worlds for its edible tuberous roots. It is disputed whether this or P. tuberosus was grown in Peru.

Newcomb 1963, 61. A legume whose beans contain strychnine and therefore are poisonous. The large, white tuber of the Mexican plant tastes like a young turnip. The same plant occurs in Southeast Asia and a similar plant grows in Andean Valleys. The last is much more starchy and is commonly cooked in stews.

Roys 1931, 235. "Chicam. Pachyrrhizus erosus (L.)" Jicama. Maya: chicam; the xicama (equated in the Motul dictionary). 264. Mehen-chicam, jicama dulce.

Watt 1892, VI, Part I, 3. Gives Pachyrhizus angulatus. Cultivated throughout India for its large edible root, but it does not occur in a wild state. Sanskrit: sankhálu.

MOBOT 2003. (syn. angulatus)

MacNeish 1992, 260. Lists this plant as a Southeast Asian domesticate [indicating a long period of naturalization in Asia, since it is actually of American origin (see Brücher)].

Brücher 1989, 84—5. It is cultivated in the Philippine Islands and in China to such a great extent that it was claimed to be of Asiatic origin (Sorenson 1985, unpubl.). Real origin is undoubtedly Central America, where several biotypes still occur wild.

Pachyrhizus tuberosus

Origin: South America

Summary: Another Amazonian plant, old in Peru, that grew also in Western Polynesia as well as in China.

Transfer: China from Americas, possibly by way of Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B

Sources Pachyrhizus tuberosus—yam bean, jicama, potato bean

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 174. Maximum gene diversity center, headwaters of the Amazon.

Shady 1997, 18. Remains of P. tuberosus have been excavated from five sites of the Late Archaic (3000—1500 BC) in Peru.

Yacovleff and Herrera 1934—1935, 281—2. P. tuberosus, jicama. Fig. 14 shows the jiquima in Nazca art. According to Standley and Vavilov, it grows spontaneously in southern Mexico and Yucatan, where it is also cultivated. Fossil remains have come from tombs at Paracas.

Heyerdahl 1964, 120—33, 128. Clausen showed P. tuberosus is native to the headwaters of the Amazon and tributaries in Brazil, Peru, etc. It possesses insecticidal properties, which aid in cultivating the yam. This plant has almost disappeared from modern Peruvian agriculture, although it was described by early chroniclers, and Yacovleff and Herrera (1934—1935) demonstrated its presence in the form of roots in tombs at Paracas (BC times). The plant also formed a decorative motif in Nazca art. Cook reported that the plant occurs in Tonga. While no longer cultivated for food, farmers there believe that planting it makes the soil the sooner capable to yield larger crops of yams. In Fiji, the stem is used for fish lines. Steward (1949, 413) and C. Sauer (1950, 513) both considered this bi-hemispheric distribution as due to trans-Pacific voyaging.

Johannessen and Wang Siming 1998, 9—36, 26—27. Pachyrhizus tuberosus is called dou shu, or tu gua, in China. It is the same plant as Mexican jicama. Citations to several Chinese plant records are given, one dated 1736, describing the 'earth squash,' or 'soil squash, characterized as having "its root . . . quite big, greenish-white in color," and for which a particular Chinese character was used in writing. The same character today stands for the yam bean. It was in use during the Song Dynasty (i.e., by AD 1182), when the plant represented was said to grow in mountainous areas where barbarians dug it up for food. Also, "It tastes sweet and fragile or soft crunchy to eat." Several Chinese crop specialists now accept it as present in pre-Columbian China.

Brücher 1989, 44—5. Pachyrrhizus tuberosus Lam. Spreng., potato bean, jicama. Origin in Upper Amazonas.

Chang 1970, 177. He accepts the yam bean as one of the early crops of China.

Paullinia sp.

Origin: Americas

Summary: Distributed on either side of the South Atlantic, although propagated by cuttings, there seems a possibility that its African presence is to be accounted for as a result of voyaging. Requires more research, along with Tephrosia.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Paullinia sp., piscicidal tree (Kew. syn. P. pinnata)

Bailey, 1935, III, 2487. Tropical America, and sparingly in Africa; species number about 140. Propagated by cuttings.

Quigley 1956. More directly of concern are plants found on opposite shores of the South Atlantic. One is Paullinia pinnata, L. This is used as a piscicide in South America but not in Africa, possibly because replaced by more toxic species. Chevalier's conclusion is that human groups use similar plants for similar purposes on both sides of the Atlantic due to "a truly marvelous genius of intuition." "But it would require much more than that to produce the same species of plant on both sides of the ocean." Must be by floating or by human agency. And the human agency cannot be Portuguese or Negro slaves. 521. (Fish poisoning had been outlawed by the Spanish king by 1453 and for the Portuguese in 1565.)

Pharbitis hederacea

Origin: Americas

Summary: In India as a widely spread plant that yields a medicinal substance and has a Sanskrit name. It also was probably known in China.

Transfer: Americas to Asia

Time of transfer: before AD 1000

Grade: A

Sources: Pharbitis hederacea—ivy-leaf, morning glory, (MOBOT and Kew. syn. Ipomoea hederacea)

Safford 1905, 349. A twining plant. "The seeds are strongly purgative and in India are used as a drug under the name of kaladana (citing Trimen, Handbook: Flora of Ceylon, III, 212—3, 1885). The plant is probably of American origin."

MOBOT 2003. Distribution (of herbarium specimens) (as Ipomoea hederacea) given as Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico, and the Bahamas.

Chopra et al. 1956, 142. Ipomoea hederacea. Hin., Ben., and Bom.: kaladana. Sanskrit: krishnabija. Cultivated throughout India and also wild, up to 6,000 ft.

Bretschneider 1892, 349. Gives two Chinese characters as a name for Pharbitis which is referred to by Li Shizhen (16th century) and is probably from a classic Chinese reference. The fruit includes a capsule containing seeds built like those of an elm tree, which the wind disperses (a short distance).

Phaseolus adenanthus

Origin: Americas

Summary: Distribution in Hawaii and other Polynesian islands argues for an early voyage.

Transfer: Americas to Hawaii and beyond

Time of transfer: centuries ago in order to explain pan-Polynesian spread

Grade: C

Source: Phaseolus adenanthus (syn. truxillensis)—a bean

Hillebrand 1888, 104. A twining herb found on the islands of Oahu and Hawaii. A native probably of South America but collected also in most Polynesian islands, on the east coast of Australia, and in other tropical countries. [The preferred mode of transfer to the islands should be taken as human voyaging, unless good evidence for a natural transfer is produced.]

Phaseolus lunatus

Origin: Americas

Summary: This fundamental American crop has been found in India (before 1600 BC) and also in China.

Transfer: Americas to Asia

Time of transfer: before 1600 BC

Grade: A

Sources: Phaseolus lunatus—lima bean, sieva bean, butter bean

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 174. Center of gene diversity: Central America and the Andes from Peru to Argentina. The large lima was first domesticated in the Andean highlands and then the small lima (sieva) may have arisen in the Pacific coastal foothills of Mexico. The small-seeded subspecies (ssp. microsperma, Sieva, or Small Lima) originated by natural selection.

Sauer 1993, 77. "The archaeological record strongly suggests independent domestication in Central America and northwestern South America."

Pokharia and Saraswat 1999, 99. Phaseolus. ". . . beans of American origin have been encountered from proto-historic sites in peninsular India." P. vulgaris has been recorded from pre-Prabhas and Prabhas cultures at Prabhas Patan, Junagadh Dist., Gujarat, dated from 1800 BC to AD 600 (endnote 153). Also from Chalcolithic Inamgaon (about 1600 BC), and Pune Dist., Maharashtra (endnote 154), and from Neolithic Tekkalkota (C14: 1620±108 BC), Bellary Dist., Karnataka (endnote 155). P. vulgaris, P. lunatus, and the phasey bean have been recorded by Vishnu-Mittre, Sharma, and Chanchala (endnote 156) from deposits of Malwa and Jorwe cultures (1600—1000 BC) at Damabad in Ahmednagar Dist., Maharashtra.

Vishnu-Mittre, Sharma, and Chanchala 1986. P. lunatus found at the Diamabad site (1600—1000 BC).

Brücher 1989, 91. P. lunatus L. has two agrotypes: var. microcarpus = sieva bean; var. macrocarpus = lima bean.

Pickersgill and Heiser 1978, 811. Includes large limas of South America and small sieva beans of Mesoamerica. Sievas found at Tamaulipas, Tehuacán Valley and Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, between 1850—1150 BP.

Chen Wenhua 1994, 59. He reports a find of lima beans in an archaeological site in Zhejiang, China.

Chopra, et al. 1956, 189—90. Pun.: lobiya. Cultivated throughout India. Native of Brazil.

Pullaiah 2002, I, 400. No Sanskrit names.

Yarnell 1970, 225. Earliest remains, Peru: 5300 BP; Southern Mexico: 1400 BP; Northern Mexico: 1800 BP.

Towle 1961, 52—3. She considers P. lunatus the same as P. pallar (sieva). 45. Discussing specimens found in Peru, Towle notes that Kaplan reported that Canavalia sp. was present with Phaseolus lunatus from the early pre-ceramic levels through those of the ceramic-bearing Cupisnique Period at Huaca Priéta. 54. Lima-shaped ideograms appear from Nazca, Paracas, and Tiahuanaco.

Newcomb 1963, 38. P. lunatus raises a distribution question. Lima beans contain prussic acid. Old World types contain this acid, but few New World ones do except in the varieties found in the West Indies. Prussic acid content was evidently bred out under cultivation in the Americas. But around the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, Madagascar, Malaysia) dangerous types occur. Where did they come from and when?

Heyerdahl 1964. In 1950, Sauer pointed to certain very early genetic peculiarities of a race of lima beans of primitive characteristics long under cultivation in Indonesia and Indo-China. He says: "If, then, Southeastern Asia should prove to be a reservoir of the more primitive lima beans, long since extinct in Peru and Mexico, a further problem of the time and manner of trans-Pacific connection is raised."

See also material under P. vulgaris, below.

Phaseolus vulgaris

Origin: Americas

Summary: Archaeologically attested in early Indian sites and, on the basis of names, it was present in the Near East all the way back to Sumerian times and in India to a time when Sanskrit was active.

Transfer: Americas to the Near East or India

Time of transfer: before 1600 BC

Grade: A

Sources: Phaseolus vulgaris—kidney bean

Sauer 1993, 73. Vernacular names—common, kidney, navy, string, wax bean.

Yen 1963, 112. Notes that at Huaca Priéta, Peru, Bird (1948) found seeds of Phaseolus, dated ca. 2578 to 2470 BC (calibrated, 3348—3057 BC).

Roys 1931, 218. Mayan: "Buul. Phaseolus vulgaris, L. Frijol amarillo." Buul is a general term in Mayan for the kidney bean. (Cf. 'bean' {Vicia faba}, Heb.: pöl; Arabic: ful.)

Pickersgill and Heiser 1978, 810—11. Earliest P. vulgaris in Tamaulipas and Tehuacán, Mexico, domesticated from ca. 6000 BP.

Shady et al. 2001, 725. The phenomenal site of Caral in the Supe Valley of Peru, dated between 2627 and 2020 Cal BC, yielded remains of Phaseolus vulgaris, among other domesticated plants.

Martínez M. 1978, 113—5. This was possibly the most important crop at this (Chiapas) site (around the 1st century BC). Two (possibly three) specimens were recovered here, but both were burned sufficiently that species could not be established. Four beans are cultivated in Chiapas nowadays, plus numerous others wild. His specimen Phaseolus l. could be P. vulgaris, he suggests.

Chopra et al. 1956, 190. Hin.: bakla; Pun.: babr. "Universally cultivated but not anywhere clearly known as a wild plant."

Kramisch 1928, 50. Reads the kidney bean as present in an Indian text of the 5th century AD.

Thompson 1949, I, 416—436. Gives among Mesopotamian food-plants, "F(aba) vulgaris Mill. (Arab.: ful), as well as Phaseolus vulgaris L. (lubiya ifranjiyah), fasulia.

Pokharia and Saraswat 1999, 99. Phaseolus ". . . beans of American origin have been encountered from proto-historic sites in peninsular India." P. vulgaris was recorded from pre-Prabhas and Prabhas cultures at Prabhas Patan, Junagadh Dist., Gujarat, dated from 1800 BC to AD 600 (see endnote 153). Also from Chalcolithic Inamgaon (about 1600 BC), and Pune Dist., Maharashtra (see endnote 54), and from Neolithic Tekkalkota (C14 1620±108 BC), Bellary Dist., Karnataka (see endnote 155).

Vishnu-Mittre, Sharma, and Chanchala 1986, 600—3, 589. P. vulgaris specimens were identified from archaeological remains at the site of Diamabad, India, to phases dated 1400—1000 BC.

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 546. P. vulgaris, Linn., called in Eng., 'French bean,' 'kidney bean,' or 'haricot bean.' In Hindi: lobiya and bakla. "Native of Cabul and Kashmir, said to be a native of India."

Bretschneider 1892, 168. Gives a two-character Chinese name for P. vulgaris from a Japanese list (Matsumura). The name may or may not be of classic Chinese age.

Heyerdahl 1964, 130. In the last (19th) century, Körnicke, in a paper on the home of the garden bean, pointed out that this crop was formerly generally accepted as having been cultivated in Europe by the ancient Greeks and Romans under the name of Dolickos, Phaseolos, etc. It was supposed that the New World bean owed its introduction to post-Columbian early Spaniards. So opinion remained until in 1880 the common bean was found in excavations at Ancón, Peru. . . . But at that point in time pre-Columbian beans from Europe were no longer available for examination. So then it was supposed that Spaniards had taken the bean back to Europe from the Americas. More recently, Hutchison, Silow, and Stephens [1947] pointed out, with corroborative botanical evidence, that "Phaseolus beans indicate inter-hemispheric contact before Columbus." The same problem exists with P. lunatus, lima bean. They are in the earliest Chimu and Nazca graves. In 1950, Sauer pointed to certain very early genetic peculiarities of a race of lima beans of primitive characteristics long under cultivation in Indonesia and Indo-China and said: "If, then, Southeastern Asia should prove to be a reservoir of the more primitive lima beans, long since extinct in Peru and Mexico, a further problem of the time and manner of trans-Pacific connection is raised."

Yarnell 1970, 225. Earliest remains: Peru, 2500 BP; Southern Mexico, 1400 BP; Northern Mexico, 1800 BP.

Watt 1888—1893, VI, Part I, 194—5. Kidney bean. Botanists held for a long time that this was of Indian or Kashmir origin, but De Candolle proved this erroneous. He concluded that it had not been long cultivated in India, Southwestern Asia, or Egypt; it is not certain that it was known in Europe before the discovery of the Americas.

Levey 1973, 55 (see also Levey 1966, 16). "The medieval Arabic term for kidney bean [i.e., P. vulgaris,] is lubiya. It is lubbu in Akkadian and LU.òB in Sumerian. . . . In Sanskrit and Hindustani, however, it is simbi and sim respectively . . .."

Physalis lanceifolia

Origin: Americas

Summary: The historical sources show this species' presence in India anciently where it received a Sanskrit name. It was also taken to the Marquesas from the Americas by voyagers before modern discovery.

Case 1: Transfer: to Eastern Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B minus

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to India

Time of transfer: one or two thousand years ago to account for multiple Sanskrit names

Grade: B plus

Sources: Physalis lanceifolia Nees—ground cherry, winter cherry (Kew. syn. lanceolata; MOBOT syn. angulata)

Chopra et al. 1956, 191. Sanskrit: rajaputrika. Considered a native in the area of Southeast Europe to Japan (it was not an Asian native; naturalized in many parts of the world.)

Torkelson 1999, 1808. Sanskrit: rajaputrika.

Chopra et al. 1956, 192. Sanskrit: lakshmipriya. Grown in Indian gardens. [From]"Tropical America."

Nadkarni 1914, 298. Physalis indica (no syn.). Eng.: winter cherry.

Brown 1935, 257-8. Approximately 45 species of Physalis show a distribution centered in the Americas. Marquesan: konini. This species is a "Native of Tropical America; of early introduction in the Marquesas where the fragrant fruits are valued." ["Early introduction" sometimes means, in Brown's usage, aboriginal, although the meaning is not entirely clear here.] Used both cooked and uncooked as food.

Bretschneider 1882, 32. Shen Nung, was traditionally an emperor of the 28th century BC who authored a famous classic of Materia Medica [although surely the author was not of that remote an age]. In the document attributed to him (31—2), as Bretschneider gives it, Shen Nung lists plants (for which European nomenclature is supplied by Chinese physicians who relate ancient plants with the names). One is Physalis alkekengi. From a description elsewhere in this appendix, this is clearly the ground cherry (syn. lanceifolia?), commonly used for food (although P. alkekengi is not considered by modern botanists synonymous with P. lanceifolia.). 57—61. Li Shizhen authored a great 16th-century synthetic work on medicine, including much compiled older material, wherein he mentions several cultivars of American origin including Solanum nigrum, maize, Portulacca (sic) oleracea, and"Pumpkins," along with "Physalis alkekengi," giving ground for supposing them pre-European in China. He calls P. alkekengi (64) "the winter-cherry, hung ku uiang, 'red girl,'" on account of the red leafy bladder which encloses the ripe fruit.

Bretschneider 1892, 45. Two names are given; one applies to a red fruit enclosed in a five-angled bladder resembling a lantern; this is the winter cherry, P. alkekengi, a common plant in North China, called also 'lantern plant' and 'red girl.' Another name is also given—for a common plant that grows near dwelling places. "The fruit is a capsule (bladder) within which is a berry of a yellowish red colour."

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 562. In India, P. peruviana, the winter-cherry, is commonly called Cape gooseberry or Brazil cherry [and is considered imported.]

Brücher 1989, 276. Physalis philadelphica Lam., husk tomato, tomatillo, miltomate. Indians of present Guatemala/Honduras used the wild-growing species P. philadelphica Lam., which has relatively large fruits, and have transformed it into a garden crop. Similar importance was given to P. pubescens L. (called 'tomatillo'), which after the Spanish invasion was spread over the whole pantropic belt. Physalis species spread also to Asia and Africa.

Hernandez 1942—1946 [before 1580], I, 283. His "tomatl de cascabel," or ayacachtomatl, the editors (who prepared the Hernandez 1942 edition) read as a species of Solanum or Physalis. Hernandez (III, 699—715) identifies a dozen of the plants pictured under one or another tomatl. They include miltomatl, P. philadelphica; xitomame is what is now known as jitomates, that is, Lycopersicon esculentum Mill. "With the name of 'tomame' are known several species of Physalis:" P. peruviana, P. pubescens. The commentaters note that P. pubescens is found in both India and Tropical America. According to Sturtevant, miltomatl, the species figured by Hernandez would be P. philadelphica. [Because of uncertainties in taxonomy we cannot be certain from Hernandez himself which species of Physalis should be compared with which species found in Asia, but regardless of the obscurities of the formal taxonomy, the same fruit seems to be present in both hemispheres.]

Roys 1931, 272. Physalis pubescens L. (Standl.). Ground-cherry. P. angula L, farolitos. Ground-cherry. Mayan, ppac-can, according to the Pío Perez dictionary: "A sort of wild tomato . . . its calyx almost covers the oval fruit, so that the latter rests, as it were, in a capsule."

Gunther 1934, 468—71. He reads a plant described by Dioscorides (1st century AD) as Physalis minima ('husk tomato').

See also the material under Physalis peruviana.

[This section shows that while early references to species of Physalis in Asia are confused, quite surely this one—P. lanceifolia—or a closely-related American species, was shared by India and the Americas, and likely more than one species.]

Physalis peruviana

Origin: Americas

Summary: This species was present at least in Hawaii, the Marquesas, and Easter Island, that is, throughout eastern Polynesia, as well as, apparently, India, and perhaps in more of Asia. The occurrence of a Sanskrit name clearly establishes the age of the 'ground cherry' on the western side of the Pacific. Furthermore, this species typically grows only in areas disturbed by human cultivation, reassuring us that it did not spread by purely natural forces.

Case 1: Transfer: Americas to India

Time of transfer: 1000 to 2000 years ago, while Sanskrit was a living language

Grade: B plus

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to eastern Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B

Sources: Physalis peruviana—husk tomato

Chopra et al. 1956, 191. Sanskrit: rajaputrika. Said to be native to the area from Southeast Europe to Japan; naturalized in many parts of the world. [Actually, this Physalis was not an Old World native; see Brücher. The old notion of a Eurasian origin that Chopra et al. still reflect suggests the degree of the species' naturalization in Asia.]

Torkelson 1999, 1808. Sanskrit: rajaputrika.

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 181. Known as Cape gooseberry. The Andes is the center of genetic diversity. Often observed as a weed or semi-wild.

Brücher 1989, 275—7. Most Physalis species (probably there are 90 taxa in all) are American, with a principal center in Mexico and a dozen taxa in South America. Only a few representatives are found in the Old World.

Heyerdahl 1964, 126. When first recorded by Europeans, the plants of Easter I. included a small husk-tomato. It was formerly widespread in eastern Polynesia. On Easter I. and in the Marquesas, it is nearly extinct, although occasionally found growing wild in old abandoned habitation sites. Also in Hawaii, where Hillebrand in 1888 considered it part of "the important American element of the Andean regions which is apparent in the Hawaiian flora."

Heyerdahl 1996. "Shiny red husk-tomatoes, the size of big berries," were identified in the Marquesas by Brown (1935) and considered to have come from the Americas in aboriginal times. Heyerdahl and his bride in 1939 discovered the same plant feral on old habitation sites on Fatu Hiva. It was found also on Easter Island and Hawaii. He found the same husk-tomatoes growing on the site of the Tucumé pyramids in Peru.

Phaseolus vulgaris

Origin: Americas

Summary: Archaeologically attested in early Indian sites and, on the basis of names, it was present in the Near East all the way back to Sumerian times and in India to a time when Sanskrit was active.

Transfer: Americas to the Near East or India

Time of transfer: before 1600 BC

Grade: A

Sources: Phaseolus vulgaris—kidney bean

Sauer 1993, 73. Vernacular names—common, kidney, navy, string, wax bean.

Yen 1963, 112. Notes that at Huaca Priéta, Peru, Bird (1948) found seeds of Phaseolus, dated ca. 2578 to 2470 BC (calibrated, 3348—3057 BC).

Roys 1931, 218. Mayan: "Buul. Phaseolus vulgaris, L. Frijol amarillo." Buul is a general term in Mayan for the kidney bean. (Cf. 'bean' {Vicia faba}, Heb.: pöl; Arabic: ful.)

Pickersgill and Heiser 1978, 810—11. Earliest P. vulgaris in Tamaulipas and Tehuacán, Mexico, domesticated from ca. 6000 BP.

Shady et al. 2001, 725. The phenomenal site of Caral in the Supe Valley of Peru, dated between 2627 and 2020 Cal BC, yielded remains of Phaseolus vulgaris, among other domesticated plants.

Martínez M. 1978, 113—5. This was possibly the most important crop at this (Chiapas) site (around the 1st century BC). Two (possibly three) specimens were recovered here, but both were burned sufficiently that species could not be established. Four beans are cultivated in Chiapas nowadays, plus numerous others wild. His specimen Phaseolus l. could be P. vulgaris, he suggests.

Chopra et al. 1956, 190. Hin.: bakla; Pun.: babr. "Universally cultivated but not anywhere clearly known as a wild plant."

Kramisch 1928, 50. Reads the kidney bean as present in an Indian text of the 5th century AD.

Thompson 1949, I, 416—436. Gives among Mesopotamian food-plants, "F(aba) vulgaris Mill. (Arab.: ful), as well as Phaseolus vulgaris L. (lubiya ifranjiyah), fasulia.

Pokharia and Saraswat 1999, 99. Phaseolus ". . . beans of American origin have been encountered from proto-historic sites in peninsular India." P. vulgaris was recorded from pre-Prabhas and Prabhas cultures at Prabhas Patan, Junagadh Dist., Gujarat, dated from 1800 BC to AD 600 (see endnote 153). Also from Chalcolithic Inamgaon (about 1600 BC), and Pune Dist., Maharashtra (see endnote 54), and from Neolithic Tekkalkota (C14 1620±108 BC), Bellary Dist., Karnataka (see endnote 155).

Vishnu-Mittre, Sharma, and Chanchala 1986, 600—3, 589. P. vulgaris specimens were identified from archaeological remains at the site of Diamabad, India, to phases dated 1400—1000 BC.

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 546. P. vulgaris, Linn., called in Eng., 'French bean,' 'kidney bean,' or 'haricot bean.' In Hindi: lobiya and bakla. "Native of Cabul and Kashmir, said to be a native of India."

Bretschneider 1892, 168. Gives a two-character Chinese name for P. vulgaris from a Japanese list (Matsumura). The name may or may not be of classic Chinese age.

Heyerdahl 1964, 130. In the last (19th) century, Körnicke, in a paper on the home of the garden bean, pointed out that this crop was formerly generally accepted as having been cultivated in Europe by the ancient Greeks and Romans under the name of Dolickos, Phaseolos, etc. It was supposed that the New World bean owed its introduction to post-Columbian early Spaniards. So opinion remained until in 1880 the common bean was found in excavations at Ancón, Peru. . . . But at that point in time pre-Columbian beans from Europe were no longer available for examination. So then it was supposed that Spaniards had taken the bean back to Europe from the Americas. More recently, Hutchison, Silow, and Stephens [1947] pointed out, with corroborative botanical evidence, that "Phaseolus beans indicate inter-hemispheric contact before Columbus." The same problem exists with P. lunatus, lima bean. They are in the earliest Chimu and Nazca graves. In 1950, Sauer pointed to certain very early genetic peculiarities of a race of lima beans of primitive characteristics long under cultivation in Indonesia and Indo-China and said: "If, then, Southeastern Asia should prove to be a reservoir of the more primitive lima beans, long since extinct in Peru and Mexico, a further problem of the time and manner of trans-Pacific connection is raised."

Yarnell 1970, 225. Earliest remains: Peru, 2500 BP; Southern Mexico, 1400 BP; Northern Mexico, 1800 BP.

Watt 1888—1893, VI, Part I, 194—5. Kidney bean. Botanists held for a long time that this was of Indian or Kashmir origin, but De Candolle proved this erroneous. He concluded that it had not been long cultivated in India, Southwestern Asia, or Egypt; it is not certain that it was known in Europe before the discovery of the Americas.

Levey 1973, 55 (see also Levey 1966, 16). "The medieval Arabic term for kidney bean [i.e., P. vulgaris,] is lubiya. It is lubbu in Akkadian and LU.òB in Sumerian. . . . In Sanskrit and Hindustani, however, it is simbi and sim respectively . . .."

Physalis lanceifolia

Origin: Americas

Summary: The historical sources show this species' presence in India anciently where it received a Sanskrit name. It was also taken to the Marquesas from the Americas by voyagers before modern discovery.

Case 1: Transfer: to Eastern Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B minus

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to India

Time of transfer: one or two thousand years ago to account for multiple Sanskrit names

Grade: B plus

Sources: Physalis lanceifolia Nees—ground cherry, winter cherry (Kew. syn. lanceolata; MOBOT syn. angulata)

Chopra et al. 1956, 191. Sanskrit: rajaputrika. Considered a native in the area of Southeast Europe to Japan (it was not an Asian native; naturalized in many parts of the world.)

Torkelson 1999, 1808. Sanskrit: rajaputrika.

Chopra et al. 1956, 192. Sanskrit: lakshmipriya. Grown in Indian gardens. [From]"Tropical America."

Nadkarni 1914, 298. Physalis indica (no syn.). Eng.: winter cherry.

Brown 1935, 257-8. Approximately 45 species of Physalis show a distribution centered in the Americas. Marquesan: konini. This species is a "Native of Tropical America; of early introduction in the Marquesas where the fragrant fruits are valued." ["Early introduction" sometimes means, in Brown's usage, aboriginal, although the meaning is not entirely clear here.] Used both cooked and uncooked as food.

Bretschneider 1882, 32. Shen Nung, was traditionally an emperor of the 28th century BC who authored a famous classic of Materia Medica [although surely the author was not of that remote an age]. In the document attributed to him (31—2), as Bretschneider gives it, Shen Nung lists plants (for which European nomenclature is supplied by Chinese physicians who relate ancient plants with the names). One is Physalis alkekengi. From a description elsewhere in this appendix, this is clearly the ground cherry (syn. lanceifolia?), commonly used for food (although P. alkekengi is not considered by modern botanists synonymous with P. lanceifolia.). 57—61. Li Shizhen authored a great 16th-century synthetic work on medicine, including much compiled older material, wherein he mentions several cultivars of American origin including Solanum nigrum, maize, Portulacca (sic) oleracea, and"Pumpkins," along with "Physalis alkekengi," giving ground for supposing them pre-European in China. He calls P. alkekengi (64) "the winter-cherry, hung ku uiang, 'red girl,'" on account of the red leafy bladder which encloses the ripe fruit.

Bretschneider 1892, 45. Two names are given; one applies to a red fruit enclosed in a five-angled bladder resembling a lantern; this is the winter cherry, P. alkekengi, a common plant in North China, called also 'lantern plant' and 'red girl.' Another name is also given—for a common plant that grows near dwelling places. "The fruit is a capsule (bladder) within which is a berry of a yellowish red colour."

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 562. In India, P. peruviana, the winter-cherry, is commonly called Cape gooseberry or Brazil cherry [and is considered imported.]

Brücher 1989, 276. Physalis philadelphica Lam., husk tomato, tomatillo, miltomate. Indians of present Guatemala/Honduras used the wild-growing species P. philadelphica Lam., which has relatively large fruits, and have transformed it into a garden crop. Similar importance was given to P. pubescens L. (called 'tomatillo'), which after the Spanish invasion was spread over the whole pantropic belt. Physalis species spread also to Asia and Africa.

Hernandez 1942—1946 [before 1580], I, 283. His "tomatl de cascabel," or ayacachtomatl, the editors (who prepared the Hernandez 1942 edition) read as a species of Solanum or Physalis. Hernandez (III, 699—715) identifies a dozen of the plants pictured under one or another tomatl. They include miltomatl, P. philadelphica; xitomame is what is now known as jitomates, that is, Lycopersicon esculentum Mill. "With the name of 'tomame' are known several species of Physalis:" P. peruviana, P. pubescens. The commentaters note that P. pubescens is found in both India and Tropical America. According to Sturtevant, miltomatl, the species figured by Hernandez would be P. philadelphica. [Because of uncertainties in taxonomy we cannot be certain from Hernandez himself which species of Physalis should be compared with which species found in Asia, but regardless of the obscurities of the formal taxonomy, the same fruit seems to be present in both hemispheres.]

Roys 1931, 272. Physalis pubescens L. (Standl.). Ground-cherry. P. angula L, farolitos. Ground-cherry. Mayan, ppac-can, according to the Pío Perez dictionary: "A sort of wild tomato . . . its calyx almost covers the oval fruit, so that the latter rests, as it were, in a capsule."

Gunther 1934, 468—71. He reads a plant described by Dioscorides (1st century AD) as Physalis minima ('husk tomato').

See also the material under Physalis peruviana.

[This section shows that while early references to species of Physalis in Asia are confused, quite surely this one—P. lanceifolia—or a closely-related American species, was shared by India and the Americas, and likely more than one species.]

Physalis peruviana

Origin: Americas

Summary: This species was present at least in Hawaii, the Marquesas, and Easter Island, that is, throughout eastern Polynesia, as well as, apparently, India, and perhaps in more of Asia. The occurrence of a Sanskrit name clearly establishes the age of the 'ground cherry' on the western side of the Pacific. Furthermore, this species typically grows only in areas disturbed by human cultivation, reassuring us that it did not spread by purely natural forces.

Case 1: Transfer: Americas to India

Time of transfer: 1000 to 2000 years ago, while Sanskrit was a living language

Grade: B plus

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to eastern Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B

Sources: Physalis peruviana—husk tomato

Chopra et al. 1956, 191. Sanskrit: rajaputrika. Said to be native to the area from Southeast Europe to Japan; naturalized in many parts of the world. [Actually, this Physalis was not an Old World native; see Brücher. The old notion of a Eurasian origin that Chopra et al. still reflect suggests the degree of the species' naturalization in Asia.]

Torkelson 1999, 1808. Sanskrit: rajaputrika.

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 181. Known as Cape gooseberry. The Andes is the center of genetic diversity. Often observed as a weed or semi-wild.

Brücher 1989, 275—7. Most Physalis species (probably there are 90 taxa in all) are American, with a principal center in Mexico and a dozen taxa in South America. Only a few representatives are found in the Old World.

Heyerdahl 1964, 126. When first recorded by Europeans, the plants of Easter I. included a small husk-tomato. It was formerly widespread in eastern Polynesia. On Easter I. and in the Marquesas, it is nearly extinct, although occasionally found growing wild in old abandoned habitation sites. Also in Hawaii, where Hillebrand in 1888 considered it part of "the important American element of the Andean regions which is apparent in the Hawaiian flora."

Heyerdahl 1996. "Shiny red husk-tomatoes, the size of big berries," were identified in the Marquesas by Brown (1935) and considered to have come from the Americas in aboriginal times. Heyerdahl and his bride in 1939 discovered the same plant feral on old habitation sites on Fatu Hiva. It was found also on Easter Island and Hawaii. He found the same husk-tomatoes growing on the site of the Tucumé pyramids in Peru.

Hillebrand 1888, 310. Considers it of pre-Cook age in Hawaii. Native of the Americas, but common in Hawaii in the mountains.

Dressler 1953, 144. The cultivated Physalis of the Guatemalan highlands is usually referred to as P. pubescens, but may be P. ixocarpa (syn. philadelphica) or some other species.

Bailey 1935, III, 2608-09. Husk tomato. Ground cherry. Genus contains probably 75 species, mostly American, only a few of which are in Europe and Asia. Species are variable and confusing to the systemist. 2609. P. ixocarpa. In Mexico, fruits used for chili sauce, "usually under the name of 'tomatoes.'" "The Mexican forms are [taxonomically] confused." P. peruviana, Linn. Cape Gooseberry.

Balfour 1871-1873, IV, 561. Calls P. alkekengi, winter cherry, "a native of Europe," and Japan. 562. P. peruviana is in India; the winter-cherry plant, commonly called Cape gooseberry or Brazil cherry.

Polygonum acuminatum

Origin: South America

Summary: The technical work by Skottsberg and later by Dumont et al. establish a firm basis for interpreting the co-occurrence on Easter Island as due to voyagers.

Transfer: to Easter Island

Time of transfer: 13th century

Grade: A

Sources: Polygonum acuminatum—Easter Island: tavari

Heyerdahl 1961, 26. Mixed with totora, this aquatic plant on Easter I. forms a thick floating bog covering crater lakes Rano Kao and Rano Aroi. P. acuminatum is used for medical purposes here as it is in the Titicaca basin. It is an American plant. Skottsberg (1957, 3) considered that human introduction of both totora and tavari was likely. Neither species occurs elsewhere in Polynesia.

Heyerdahl 1964, 126. Pollen from borings analyzed by Selling showed that Polygonum pollen "suddenly" began to be deposited in the crater lakes during the earliest human settlement period. (Cf. now Dumont et al. 1998 for later data.)

Skottsberg 1920, I, 412. Because of distances to adjacent Polynesian groups and to South America, "The presence of a neo-tropical element (on Juan Fernandez and Easter Island) is surprising." Scirpus riparius and Polygonum acuminatum are American. Their mode of occurrence and ecology oblige us to regard them as truly indigenous, "unless they have been intentionally introduced in prehistoric time during one of the mythical cruises which, according to Heyerdahl, put Easter Island in contact with Peru. A direct transport of seeds across the ocean without man's assistance is difficult to imagine . . .." 425. Contrarily, for the Marquesas "there is no neo-tropical element in spite of the prevailing direction of winds and currents," as far as he notes.

Dumont et al. 1998. They report analysis of a core from Rano Raraku crater lake on Easter Island. Five (vertical) zones are identified. The last three of these are separated by waves of immigration. They argue that a first, or South American, wave, dated to the second half of the 14th century by radioactive dating, may represent a visit by South American Indians. 410. They found the top 85 cm. of sediment to include Schoenoplectus californicus and Polygonum acuminatum. Because of the synchronous appearance of multiple floral taxa, they rule out passive introduction. (418. ". . . the island is so remote, and such a small target, that mechanisms of passive dispersal were ineffective for populating it" [botanically]). Besides, there are no freshwater birds on the island. "We therefore propose that humans introduced these neo-tropical biota, in one single event . . .. The most parsimonious explanation for the South American wave, which clearly predates the arrival of the Europeans, might be an introduction by seafaring people from Peru or Chile." Polynesians presumably [also] reached Easter Island during the 5th century AD.

Portulaca oleracea

Origin: Americas

Summary: Presence widely in the Old World in a naturalized condition combined with Sanskrit names establishes the antiquity of the species in Asia and Europe.

Transfer: Americas to East Asia

Time of transfer: while Sanskrit was an active language.

Grade: A

Sources: Portulaca oleracea—purslane (Kew. {Africa, India, southern China, West. U.S., Mexico, Guat., Peru, Brazil, Marquesas, Belize, Nicaragua}).

Watt 1892, VI, Part I, 329—30. A number of Sanskrit names are given. De Candolle [mistakenly] thought it indigenous to the region from the Western Himalaya to the south of Russia and Greece.

Chopra et al. 1956, 202. Sanskrit: lonika. Grows "all over India."

Chopra et al. 1958, 521—3. Sanskrit: mansala. Cultivated and naturalized all over India.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 426. Sanskrit: ghotika, lonika. Medicinal uses.

Torkelson 1999, 1818. Sanskrit: lonika

Hillebrand 1888, 39. Pigweed. Genus of 16 species, chiefly belonging to Tropical America.

Burkill 1966, II, 1832—3. Purslane is found throughout warmer parts of the world; [the genus is] chiefly in the Americas. A vegetable from time immemorial. Appears mentioned in Egyptian texts of Pharaonic times.

Bailey 1935, III, 766. Purslane, pusley. About 40 species in the genus in the tropical and temperate regions, mostly American. P. oleracea is probably native to the southwestern parts of the U.S. Gray and Trumbull (1883) argued for the nativity of purslane in North America.

Bretschneider 1882, 49—53. From a treatise, Kiu Huang Pen Ts'ao, by Chou Ting wang, an imperial prince under the first Ming Emperor (prince died in 1425). He had seen the following plant in Honan province: Portulacca (sic) oleracea. 57—61. Author of the famous Chinese volume of Materia Medica, Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu, first published 1590, mentions Portulacca (sic) oleracea, from which it can be inferred that the plant was present in pre-European times.

Bretschneider 1892, 67. A (Chinese) source shows two figures, one representing an amaranth and the other Portulacca (sic) oleracea.

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 660. For this he gives English: common, or small, purslane; Sanskrit: lonika, or loonia. Common in India and eaten by the Hindus. A common weed but cultivated by the market gardeners. Used as spinach and in curries.

Roys 1931, 220. Span.: verdolaga; Mayan: cabal-chum. The plant is usually called xucul in Mayan. 296. Xucul, or H-xucal, is the name for P. oleracea.

Psidium guajava

Origin: Tropical America

Summary: A number of Sanskrit names (as well as obviously cognate Arabic and Persian names) join with widespread naturalization of the plant and use of the fruit in South Asia to assure us that it was not a modern introduction.

Transfer Asia from Americas

Time of transfer: at least 2000 years ago

Grade: A

Sources: Psidium guajava—guava

Shady et al. 2001, 725. The phenomenal site of Caral in the Supe Valley of Peru, dated between 2627 and 2020 Cal BC, has yielded remains of guava (Psidium guajava), among other domesticated plants.

Towle 1961, 73. An oblong, compressed fruit of P. guajava was recovered from Ancón cemetery (BC date). Whole, globular fruits were found in Gallinazo and Mochica levels. Depicted on Early Nazca embroidery.

Tozzer 1941, 199. "There is a fruit which the Spaniards have brought [to Yucatan], good to eat and healthy, which they call guayabas." Footnote 1088: "Psidium Guajava L." [However, the plant is native to the Americas.]

Roys, 1931, 231. Mayan:"Chac-pichi. Probably Psidium guajava L. Guava." 276. "Pichi. Psidium guajava L. Guayabo, Guava."

Brown 1935, 200. More than 100 species of this genus are natives of Tropical America. Two horticultural varieties of the guava are present in the Marquesas. One is probably of aboriginal introduction. The other is of recent introduction.

Watt (1892, VI, Part I, 351—3) gives Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian names, all closely related (amrud). Native to the Americas, now naturalized and largely cultivated throughout India.

Bailey 1935, 2847. Genus entirely native to the Americas. Has become naturalized in many parts of Asia and Africa. The genus is somewhat confused and in need of further study. A large number of species doubtless exist in South and Central America that have not as yet been described.

Balfour 1871—1873, IV, 694—5. P. pomiferum, Linn. Eng.: red guava. No Sanskrit name listed by him. "The guava tree of the W. Indies, Mexico, and America, is cultivated throughout the E. Indies." P. pyriferum, Linn., Roxb. syn. Guava pyriformis, Gaertn. Eng.: white guava. Grows all over British India and all southern Asia. Probably came through the Portuguese.

Chopra et al. 1956, 205—6. Sanskrit: mansala. "Cultivated and naturalized throughout India."

Int. Lib. Assoc. 1996, 571. Sanskrit: mansala.

Nadkarni 1914, 320. Psidium guayava. Sanskrit: péràlà. Hin.: amrút

Chopra et al. 1958, 683. Sanskrit: amruta-phalam; Hind.: Amrut;. Arab.: amrud. Found throughout India for its fruit.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 433. Sanskrit: perukah, mansala. Medicinal uses.

Aiyer 1956, 36. Mentioned in the Charaka Samhita, no later than the 4th century AD, and it probably was present considerably earlier. This despite the belief common among scientists that the plant was introduced to India by the Portuguese.

Sharma and Dash 1983, 518. The paravata fruit of the Caraka Samhita text is the guava, Psidium guajava.

Saccharum officinarum

Origin: Old World

Summary: Some sources from the period of exploration and colonization of South America identified sugarcane as present and later the cane in South America hybridized with imported sugar cane. Most botanists who deny that sugarcane was present assume that another plant, perhaps an unusual variety of maize, was what was seen. But maize was so well known to Spanish explorers that mistaking corn for cane does not seem possible.

Transfer: Old World across either ocean

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian.

Grade: B minus

Sources: Saccharum officinarum—sugarcane

Cook 1904. Sugarcane, he claims, was cultivated in the islands of the Pacific, coastal Asia, and America. No specific data.

Newcomb 1963, 62—3. Pigafetta (Magellan expedition) reported caña dolce at Guam, in the Philippines and in Brazil. [Having seen it and apparently identified it correctly in the Pacific islands it cannot be imagined that they were mistaken as to what they had seen in Brazil.] (This Pigafetta eye-witness evidence is explained away by disbelievers as due to reference to a form of sweet maize in the Rio Loa area.) Early Portuguese accounts exist telling of sugarcane which was true cane and which they themselves had not introduced. Labat around 1700 in Martinique spoke of what was grown there as Carib cane, not brought from Europe. In the 17th century, the English on Barbados and St. Kitts found wild sugarcane growing. Uba cane, from the Tupi-Guaraní word for the wild cane, proved resistant to a troublesome mosaic disease that attacked the S. officinarum that had been brought by the Europeans. The latter was hybridized with uba from Brazil and Paraguay to produce a variety that overcame the disease.

Lunde 1992, 50—55. Two plants that definitely were shared between the hemispheres were the coconut and sugarcane (found by the Portuguese on coastal Brazil).

Sagittaria sagittifolia

Origin: Asia

Summary: Carl Sauer considered this Asian plant to have been present in theAmericas, as in China. Further information is needed.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Sagittaria sagittifolia—wapatoo

Sauer 1969, 56. One of a group of Asiatic plants found in theAmericas associated with man. Found also in China. Its possible transmission should be examined further.

Balfour 1871—1873, V, 46. Extensively cultivated among the Chinese, not for its beauty but for the sake of its edible rhizome, which fixes itself in the solid earth below the mud and constitutes an article of food.

Salvia coccinea

Origin: Americas

Summary: Its ancient presence in India is shown by the presence of a Sanskrit name. Brown apparently also considered the plant in the Marquesas to be pre-Columbian; if so, it might have arrived there from the west rather than from its native America.

Case 1: Transfer: to India

Time of transfer: no later than ca. AD 1000

Grade: C

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to Marquesas Islands

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B—C

Sources: Salvia coccinea—scarlet salvia, cardinal sage

Brown 1935, 252. Native of the West Indies and Tropical America; probably of early introduction in the Marquesas, where it has become thoroughly naturalized at middle and low altitudes.

Bailey 1935, III, 3064. In the West Indies and Tropical America and occasionally escaped in India and Australia.

Roys 1931, 232. Mayan: chac-tzitz = "Salvia coccinea Juss." "Cultivated under the names of scarlet sage and salvia." Prescribed for decayed tooth.

Watson 1868, 489, 201. Sanskrit: rosea.

Schoenhals 1988, 159. Eng.: cardinal sage.

Salvia occidentalis

Origin: Americas

Summary: Brown's description of the extent of its naturalization and spread in the Marquesas Islands suggests its pre-Columbian presence.

Grade: C

Sources: Salvia occidentalis Swartz—a salvia

Brown 1935, 253. Native of the West Indies and Tropical America; probably of early introduction in the Marquesas, where it has become established at altitudes from 200—600 m.

Burkill 1979, II. S. occidentalis Swartz is another American plant which is established in Java, where it has been tried as a cover crop.

MOBOT 2003. Distribution: Middle and South America.

Sapindus saponaria

Origin: Americas

Summary: The berries serve as a soap as well as fish poison and also medicine for some ailments. Two regional variants have long been utilized for some of the same purposes in India; they are synonymous with S. saponaria. The species is present in the Marquesas and on Easter Island, and perhaps elsewhere in the Pacific (which we take to have come across from Asia, where it is old). Sanskrit names for each of the differentiated varieties that characterize south and north India indicate the age of the tree on the subcontinent. (MOBOT does not make the Indian soapberry trees synonymous with S. saponaria, but their functions are identical; Index Kewensis does make them synonymous.)

Case 1: Transfer: Americas to Asia

Time of transfer: over 2000 years ago

Grade: B

Case 2: Transfer: Americas to Eastern Polynesia

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B plus

Sources: Sapindus saponaria—soapberry (Kew. syn. S. mukorossi {Asia trop.}; and S. trifoliatus)

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 178. Tropical America is center of maximum gene diversity.

Nadkarni 1914, 350. Sapinda (sic) trifoliatus (syn. S. emarginatus). Sanskrit: phenila. Eng.: soap-nut tree. Common in Southern India and cultivated in Bengal. S. Mukorossi (syn. S. detergens) is the soap-nut tree of North India.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 456. Sapindus emarginatus (syn. trifoliatus). Sanskrit: arishta. 457. Sapindus mukorossi. Sanskrit: urista, phenile, the soap-nut tree of Northern India.

Watt 1889, VI, Part II, 468. He lists Sapindus Mukorossi, Gaertn., the soap-nut tree of North India. Distributed also in China and Japan. Original home not clear. Separately, he gives S. trifoliatus, Linn. The soap-nut tree of South India. Cultivated in Bengal, South India, and Ceylon. Used medicinally by Hindus "from a very early period."

Int. Lib. Assoc. 1996, 572. Sapindus trifoliatus L. var. emarginatus (syn. Sapindus emarginatus), Sanskrit: arishta. S. mukorosi, Sanskrit: urista.

Brown 1935, 160—1. The Marquesas plant compares closely with the Society Islands version. Marquesan name: kokuu. Juice from leaves and fruit treats skin diseases. Endemic in the Marquesas.

Langdon and Tryon 1983, 43. Rapanui: mari, kuru, soapberry. Marquesas: ko/ku?u, soapberry. The 60 or so species of Sapindus are widely distributed in the tropics, but are best represented in the Americas, citing Macmillan Brown (1935). A variety of Sapindus saponaria occurs in Hawaii, where it is called a?e. That variety is not found elsewhere in Polynesia. This information in Langdon and Tryon is in a section entitled "Words confined to RAP[anui] and the Marquesic languages, that is, words that occur in extreme eastern Polynesia where the plant may have arrived from the Americas." In the Casma Valley of northern Peru, it has been found in middens with Capsicum, cotton, and the gourd, the middens dating to 1785 BC (see Ugent et al. 1986). "Well-represented in the Americas" (Langdon 1988, 334).

Quigley 1956, 513. "The evidence seems clearly to show that the fish poisoning trait did not come to the New World by way of Bering Strait." 520. Beyond the Tephrosia species pantropical plants of other genera which are recorded as piscicides in at least part of their range [include] . . . Sapindus saponaria L.

McBryde 1945, 152. Much used in Guatemala for soap.

Tozzer 1941, 197. Landa reports a "small fruit . . . and with the rind they wash their clothes as with soap, and thus it lathers like it." Footnote 1060. "Sapindus saponaria L."

Hernandez 1943 [by 1580], II, 529—30. His charapu is identified as S. saponaria, from Veracruz, Oaxaca, Durango, and Tamaulipas, Mexico.

Roys 1931, 309. "Zihom, or Zihum. Probably Sapindus saponaria, L., soap berry." A tree standing sometimes 50 feet high, bearing a berry acting like soap.

Heyerdahl 1963, 31. Easter Island has this plant which served as a constringent medicine and as soap. Knoche (1925, 102—23) lists it as being at home in the American tropics.

Towle 1961, 62—3. A small tree, four to ten meters in height. Berries contain the glucoside saponin, which yields a soapy lather in water and forms an emulsion with fats and oils. Specimens quite widely known archaeologically.

Schoenoplectus californicus

Origin: Americas

Summary: Totora (a sedge) has many uses that are similar on the coasts, in Andean lakes, and at least on Easter Island and Hawaii.

Grade: A

Sources: Schoenoplectus californicus—bulrush, sedge, totora (Kew. Scirpus californicus; syn. riparius; syn. validus; syn. lacustris; syn. totora)

Langdon 1988, 330, 334. While unknown in western Polynesia, it is found on Easter I. and in Hawaii with a related name in the two places (suggesting a single transfer to one or the other island group followed by diffusion to the other).

Langdon and Tryon 1983, 43. Called in Rapanui: nga?atu. Found in the Americas from California to Tierra del Fuego. Used on Easter Island (Rapanui) to cover huts and to make sleeping mats, baskets, floats, and boats. Cf. Hawaiian nanaku (long dash over first 'a') for the same plant.

Skottsberg 1920, 412. Because of distances to adjacent Polynesian groups and to South America, "The presence of a [i.e., this] neo-tropical element [in the flora] is surprising." Scirpus riparius and Polygonum acuminatum remain American. Their mode of occurrence and ecology oblige us to regard them as truly indigenous, "unless they have been intentionally introduced in prehistoric time during one of the mythical cruises which, according to Heyerdahl, put Easter Island in contact with Peru. A direct transport of seeds across the ocean without man's assistance is difficult to imagine . . .."

Mellén B.1986, 135. S. riparius, the totora, was called ngaátu, and abounds in the craters. It is very old if not indigenous, and was widely used in building, etc.

Heyerdahl 1961, 23—5. Skottsberg studied the wild plants of Easter Island in 1917 and 1956. He said there were only 31 wild flowering plants, and some ferns and mosses, reported from Easter I. Of those, 11 were pantropical and could be seaborne by natural means from either direction. The remaining 20 species are in part dependent on human aid for their spread to this area. The presence of American plants among the 20 was surprising to him. The most unexpected were the two aquatic phanerogams growing in the fresh water of the three Easter Island crater lakes: Scirpus riparius and Polygonum acuminatum. They are at home in Andean lakes and in irrigated swamps on the desert coast of Peru and Chile. Scirpus riparius, the totora reed, was the most important wild plant in the economy of Easter I. culture. The 1770 Gonzalez expedition from Peru identified the totora as the same species as the reed grown in Callao, Peru, and used by native Peruvians to make mats. According to native tradition (on Rapanui), this reed was brought by early ancestors of the Easter Islanders and planted in the deep cauldron of Rano Kao. 26. The pre-European presence of the plant is verified by a specimen found in a datable tomb in Ahu Tepeu. Initially described as a distinct variety, Skottsberg (1956, 407) concluded that it does not deserve to be distinguished as a separate variety since it is identifiable with the American species.

Towle 1961, 26—27. She gives the species as S. tatora, not totora. The rhyzomes are used for food in Peru, in addition to use for cordage, baskets, etc. Closely related to S. californicus [now considered synonymous], it is widely distributed. Some botanists consider the two synonymous. The totora of Lake Titicaca is used to construct the famous reed boats ,or 'balsas,' made and used by Aymara Indians on the Lake. Yacovleff and Herrera say that root-stocks of S. riparius are used for food, and the canes and leaves are also used in various ways. Archaeological specimens in Peru have been found as early as the Gallinazo period (early centuries AD) as well as at Paracas Cavernas (Formative, perhaps first half of 1st millennium BC).

Gorner 1980,19—22. A lengthy quotation from Heiser claims that he has demonstrated that the totora reed has seeds and that birds carry the seed (the plant is known to grow on uninhabited Pacific islands). [According to Dumont et al., there are no (migrating) freshwater birds on Easter Island, hence his claim is impossible to accept in regard to that island.]

Heiser (1985, Chapter 2) reports his extensive pursuit of the origin of the totora reed, proposed by Heyerdahl to have been transported from South America to Easter Island. After reporting a great deal of information from his field and lab studies of the plant, he concludes that nothing rules out Heyerdahl's proposal, although Heiser prefers a hypothesis of introduction to Easter Island by birds, without explaining his reasons.

Dumont et al. 1998. They report analysis of a core from Rano Raraku crater lake on Easter Island. Five (vertical) zones are identified. The last three of these are separated by waves of immigration. They argue that a first, or South American, wave, dated to the second half of the 14th century by radioactive dating, may represent a visit by South American Indians. 410. They found the top 85 cm. of sediment to include Schoenoplectus californicus and Polygonum acuminatum. Because of the synchronous appearance of multiple floral taxa, they rule out passive introduction. (418. ". . . the island is so remote, and such a small target, that mechanisms of passive dispersal were ineffective for populating it" [botanically]). Besides, there are no freshwater birds on the island. "We therefore propose that humans introduced these neo-tropical biota, in one single event. . . . The most parsimonious explanation for the South American wave, which clearly predates the arrival of the Europeans, might be an introduction by seafaring people from Peru or Chile." Polynesians [also] presumably reached Easter Island during the 5th century AD.

Sesamum orientale

Origin: Old World

Summary: Roys' Mayan name for this Old World species implies that the species was present and cultivated at the time of the Spanish Conquest. There is a puzzle here that needs to be elucidated by more research.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Sesamum orientale—sesame

Roys 1931, 309. S. orientale, zicil-puuz.

Miranda 1952—53, 2a parte, 183. The plant was found in Chiapas in field survey. Sesamum orientale L. ajonjolí. (That name, possibly from Arabic, could have come from Spain via the Spaniards.)

Sisyrhynchium acre

Origin: Americas

Summary: It could not have drifted by sea when it grew so far above sea level. Native use hints at a pre-Columbian age. Further study is necessary.

Transfer: Hawaii from Americas

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: incomplete

Source: Sisyrhynchium acre Mann.—called 'a grass' in English, although it is not so botanically (Kew. Sisyrinchium, with an 'i' not a 'y' in third syllable; {Hawaii}).

Hillebrand 1888, 436—7. This genus includes about 50 species, all except the present one natives of temperate and Tropical America. Found on high mountains of Hawaii and Maui from 3,500 ft. upward. Natives use the juice to give a blue stain to their tattoo-marks. [At such altitudes, ocean drift would be an impossible mechanism for transfer.]

Sisyrhynchium angustifolium

Origin: North America

Summary: This plant has been found in Greenland at former Norse sites; Iverson believes that no other explanation for its presence will do than Norse transfer.

Transfer: Newfoundland to Greenland

Time of transfer: ca. AD 1000

Grade: B

Sources: Sisyrhynchium angustifolium—blue-eyed 'grass' (but not of the grass family)

Faeggri 1964, 344—51. This plant was found on the site of the Old Norse settlement of Vestribygd in southwestern Greenland. Although considered by some biologists to have survived the glacial period in Greenland, it is more likely to have been transplanted from Vinland by visiting Norsemen.

Polunin 1960, 181. In 1936 in southwestern Greenland, he noted living descendants of this plant that had evidently been introduced from North America by Norsemen. (The author apparently never published further on this topic.)

Thorarinsson 1942, 45—6. Of the 6 plant species that can fairly surely be assumed to have been transported to Greenland by the Norse, there are 5 on North America's Atlantic coast, and the idea can't be excluded that some of these species were even brought there by the Norse. One has, as well, to reckon with the possibility that the plants were transported from North America to Greenland in the same way. In 1932, the Danish botanist J. Iversen found, in a now inaccessible place by Godthaab's fjord in West Greenland and near to the remains of an old Norse settlement, a North American plant, S. angustifolium, whose nearest place of discovery lies on Newfoundland's west coast and west of St. Lawrence Bay. In 1937, Iversen and Troels-Smith found this species in three new locales in the West District, all close to the remains of old Norse settlements. Iversen rejects the idea that this species could be an interglacial relic on Greenland ,or that it could have been brought there by modern people. He finds no plausible explanation for this appearance other than that it was transported there from North America by Norsemen.

[Note that these sources fail to give the names of the other 4 species of plants Iverson refers to. Potentially, those four would further support the case for a voyaging transfer of S. angustifolium as part of a complex of transported plants.]

Smilax sp.

Origin: Central America

Summary: The sources show a cacophony of species, one or more of which were recognized by the early Spaniards as common to Central America and the Old World, although precise species identification in older sources poses some problem.

Transfer: Central America to Eurasia

Time of transfer: by the time of Dioscorides and the active use of Sanskrit

Grade: B

Sources: Smilax sp.—sarsparilla

Torkelson 1999, 1843. Gives the Sanskrit name chobachini for Smilax glabra, although we do not know that that specific species occurred in the Americas.

Hawkes 1998, 157. Sarsparilla, Smilax ornata. This is a medicinal plant from the lowland forests of Central America. According to Woodward (1971), it had arrived in Europe by the 1690s. By habit, it is a climber in tropical forests.

Tozzer 1941, 195. "In the region of Bacalar there is sarsaparilla." Note 1042. "This is a Smilax, in Maya, am-ak." "If Landa means here that this is the Bacalar sarsaparilla, we would find the Maya equvalent, x-co-ceh, or x-co-ceh-ak. Standley identifies this as Smilax mexicana Geseb., probably Smilax aristolochaefolia Mill.

Roys 1931, 215. Mayan, amak, is a Smilax sp. that resembles S. mexicana. Dondé, the Yucatecan botanist, has been quoted as stating that the am-ak is a variety of sarsparilla. 225—6. Mayan: x-co-ceh, or x-co-ceh-ak. 226.

Chopra et al. 1958, 187—8. Sarsparilla is obtained from Smilax ornata, a climbing plant indigenous to Costa Rica, and from other similar species found in Central America. It is commonly known as Jamaica sarsparilla because it was formerly exported from Jamaica to various countries. S. officinalis comes from Honduras, but S. ornata is considered to be the best commercially.

The important varieties of sarsparilla and their sources as given in the U.S. Pharm. XIV (1950) are as follows (as reported by Chopra): Mexican source: Smilax aristolochiaefolia; Honduras source: Smilax regelii; Ecuadorian source: Smilax febrifuga; Central American source (the Costa Rican or Jamaican variety): from undetermined spp.

Hernandez 1946, III, 758—69. A number of species, or varieties, of Smilax, 'sarsparilla,' are discussed based on H.'s drawings and descriptions. One is chiquimecatl, or pahuatlanense. This is a species of Smilax that Spaniards commonly call zarzararrilla. Roots are medically efficacious. Under mecapatli o zarzaparrilla, the commentaters (editors of the Hernandez edition) observed: "Thus, the Mexicans call that famous medicine that our compatriots call zarzaparrilla, and of which are found in New Spain quite a few varieties." Hernandez wrote,"I first want to describe that species that in Spain and principally in Andalucia is found in valleys and mountains, classified by the pharmaceuticalists and botanical specialists as the Smilax ásper described by Dioscorides, and (which is) found by me not far from the city of Mexico . . .." "That this is a species of zarzaparrilla (although the Spaniards who haven't come to these lands can hardly believe it), no one can doubt . . .." Commentaters/editors who prepared this edition of Hernandez say on 760: "The species found by Hernandez in the pueblo of Santa Fe is probably Smilax moranensis Mart. et Gal., since this is precisely the species that abounds in the cold and mountainous places of the Valley of Mexico. It is very similar to Smilax aspera of the Mediterranean region." Smilax aristolochiaefolia Mill (syn. S. medica Schlecht. et Cham.) is the principal source of mecapatli, or commercial zarzaparrilla. It is distributed in all regions on the slope down to the Gulf (of Mexico), from Tamaulipas to Honduras, and to this species Hernandez alludes at the end of the chapter. (A discussion follows under the name quauhmecapatli.) 761. Several species have the same qualities. 764—6. Further discussion. Cozolmecatl is Smilax mexicana Griseb., found in Guerrero, Yucatan, and Tamaulipas. The dry roots are made into a beverage to treat rheumatism and skin infirmities. 766—8. Still another species of Smilax (possibly), olcacatzan. 768. There is a species of (in) China, called mechoacanense. "The root is called 'root of China' or simply 'China,' a species of zarzaparrilla that is imported to Europe from the Orient, above all from China, and has been since ancient times." The Tarascan Indian name for [this] Smilax bona-nox (syn. S. corifolia H. et B.) is pacas, or phacas, or phacao.

Standley 1920—26, 101—4. Smilax medica. Veracruz and San Luis Potosi. "The species of Smilax which furnish the sarsaparilla of commerce are very imperfectly known, but this species is believed to be one of the chief sources of the drug. According to the U.S. Pharmacopoeia, S. medica is one of the official sources of sarsparilla. However, the species are poorly known. Sarsparilla was introduced into Spain about 1540 and was widely used as a remedy for venereal diseases. Smilax bona-nox is a second species known as zarzaparrilla. He does not include any reference to zarzaparailla in discussing S. mexicana.

Solanum spp. (sources on multiple species)

Sources: Solanum spp.—naranjillo and others (Kew. candidum {Mexic.}; syn. ferox; syn. repandum {Ins. Pac.}; syn. variabile; syn. sessiliflorum {Brazil}; syn. georgicum)

Hutchinson 1974, 158. "Whether or not there is a genetic basis to the taxonomist's concept of a species has been debated long and inconclusively. It must be accepted that a species can only be defined in terms of the available information, and the taxonomist's task is to devise a classification on what is available . . .." 159. Recent work has shown in many crop plants a closer relationship between cultivars and wild and weedy types. With the knowledge now available of the brief period over which man has been practicing agriculture, it is not surprising that so many crop species can now be seen to be conspecific . . . with their nearest wild relatives."

Heiser (1985, 76—7) compares the naranjillo of northwestern South America with S. lasiocarpum of Southeast Asia. The two are so close that they may be the same species. Fruits are used for food in both areas. He assumes S. candidum is American, although no wild ancestor is known. Its wide dispersal in Asia needs explanation. Iberian voyagers in the 16th/17th centuries may have been involved, he thinks. A second species, S. repandum, is found only on Polynesian islands and Fiji and again is so similar to S. candidum of the upper Amazon area that the question remains of how to explain the high degree of similarity. Again, early Spanish explorers are a possible explanation. So are birds, but if that should be so, it "would not explain why the fruits are used in similar ways in South America and on the Pacific islands."

Whistler 1991, 41—66. This cultivated plant in Polynesia appears to be a South American introduction. S. repandum is distributed from the Marquesas to Fiji, but nowadays is rare or has disappeared over most of this range. The closest relative to S. repandum is a South American species, S. sessiliflorum, according to Whalen et al. (1981), and the two are so similar that these authors suggested they may be conspecific. Their section of the genus is predominantly South American, which suggests the origin of S. repandum there. In Polynesia, the plant is always associated with human activities, and is rarely, if ever, found in undisturbed habitats, which also suggests the plant is an introduction. Its wide distribution in Polynesia suggests a much earlier, Polynesian, introduction as against a Spanish introduction. "Its Polynesian names, such as koko'u in the Marquesas, may be cognates of its South American name, cocona (Whalen et al. 1981), who [meaning Whalen?] spelled the Marquesan name kokoua."

Whalen et al. 1981, 41—129. Spread from Sonora and Chihuahua widely into Guatemala and El Salvador, some in Central America, and in the Chocó area of Colombia and lowlands of Ecuador and northern Peru. 105. S. lasiocarpum is closely related to the neo-tropical S. candidum. The species are so similar that we are not completely at ease retaining them as separate. Differences are all quantitative and in every case there is some overlap. S. lasiocrpum must be of ultimate American origin and its present distribution presents a puzzling historical problem, as does that of S. repandum. The great variability of S. lasiocarpum and its morphological divergence from its American counterpart make recent human introduction an unsatisfactory explanation. If dispersal was by birds or early man, it is surprising that the species is not found on intervening islands of Oceania. 109. Heiser (1972) pointed out the close relationship of S. quitoense to S. candidum, a wide-ranging species extending form Mexico to Peru. The morphological similarity between these taxa is great, and the differences between them are primarily in characters that would likely have been influenced by human selection during the process of domestication. 83. Solanum repandum is very closely related to S. sessiliflorum of the western Amazon Basin in South America, and only with some hesitation do we retain it as a species. The two are essentially identical in habit, stellate vestiture, floral morphology, and fruit morphology. Most of the differences are quantitative and there is some degree of overlap. S. repandum has not been recorded from primary plant associations in Polynesia. Like S. sessiliflorum in South America, it is found only in association with human disturbances and is often cultivated for its edible fruits. Even the uses of the two species are similar in both regions. The berries are cooked in soups and stews and in fish and meat dishes, as well as being used fresh and for juice. Apparently, these are the only two species of section Lasiocarpa that are used extensively in cooked dishes.

Whalen et al. cont'd. The presence of S. repandum as an endemic cultivated plant of the South Pacific presents enigmatic problems concerning its origin and dispersal. All that seems certain is that the species was derived from S. sessiliflorum or an ancestor closely resembling that species. When first discovered by Europeans, the South American and Polynesian plants were already as distinct morphologically as they are today. Therefore, dispersal to the Pacific must have occurred much earlier (than European discovery). Either dispersal by human agency or by natural means might have been involved. Certain circumstantial evidence can be marshaled suggesting humans as the dispersal agent. (1) Pre-Columbian Ecuadorians are known to have had sailing vessels capable of long ocean voyages (Doran 1971), and the Spanish were known to have made voyages to the Pacific in early post-Columbian times. In 1595, the Mendaña-Quiros expedition sailing from Piata, Peru, landed in the Marquesas Islands, the station for S. repandum nearest South America. (2) The indigenous name, cocona, used for S. sessiliflorum in Ecuador and Peru is rather similar to the name, kokou, used for S. repandum in the Marquesas Islands. (3) As noted earlier, uses of the two species in the two regions are similar. (4) The apparent absence of S. repandum from undisturbed vegetation in Polynesia suggests a human role in its survival. Successful establishment perhaps would have been much more likely following human dispersal than after natural dispersal. 84. The objection might be raised that if the Spanish had introduced Solanum sessiliflorum there would not be enough time for speciation to occur. 85. However, if one assumes that one or a few seedlings became established on a Pacific island, conditions would be ideal for rapid evolution. As pointed out above, S. repandum is only doubtfully a distinct species, and the differences between it and S. sessiliflorum are hardly profound. It is probably not necessary to insist on a great length of time to bring about the necessary changes. (Also talks about how the fruits arrived from the Andes to the Pacific coast of South America. Natural means?) "This offers no fewer difficulties than does the former hypothesis—humans. Neither the fruits nor the seeds of S. sessiliflorum seem suited for transoceanic flotation. Birds? However, most birds that make long flights in the South Pacific are shore birds and would have been unlikely to have picked up seeds of an upper Amazon plant.

Solanum candidum or S. lasiocarpum

Origin: Americas?

Summary: Studies have revealed a complex set of interrelationships among closely related and perhaps conspecific plants in South America, the Pacific islands, and Southeast Asia. Similar uses in different cultures as well as parallels in vernacular native names suggest human carriage into or from the islands of one or the other of these species.

Transfer: South America to Pacific islands and Asia, or vice versa

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B plus

Sources: See combined sources on Solanum spp.

Solanum nigrum

Origin: Old World?

Summary: Regardless of its place of origin, this plant was clearly present in both hemispheres before the Columbian era of discovery. Because the seed's narcotic properties are so widely known, we suppose that its spread was due to cultural selection and voyaging. It has not been suggested to have spread naturally.

Case 1: Transfer: one hemisphere to the other, probably Old World to the Americas

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: A minus

Case 2: Transfer: American mainland to the Marquesas Islands

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: C

Sources: Solanum nigrum—nightshade, black nightshade

Thompson 1949, 142—3. Solanum nigrum (see Post 1932, ii, 379) Use in India, China, is mentioned. 143. " . . . it is obvious that the S. Nigrum is a very popular drug in the East." The Assyrians used it.

Nadkarni 1914, 373. Solanum nigrum. Sanskrit: kákamàchai. Ben.: kákmáchi. Common throughout India.

Chopra et al. 1958, 525. Sanskrit: kakamach. Many medicinal uses. Grown throughout India up to 9,000 ft in the western Himalayas.

Chopra et al. 1956. Sanskrit: kakamachi

Torkelson 1999, 1845. Sanskrit: kakamachi

Int. Lib. Assoc. 1996, 573. Sanskrit: kakamachi

Pullaiah 2002, II, 473. Sanskrit: kakamaci

Nicolson et al. 1988, 249—50. A sheet in Hortus Malabaricus they say has been identified generally as showing S. nigrum; however, now "modern workers are restricting S. nigrum to a hexaploid (2n=72) that may not be in India. Syumon (l.c.) commented that works on Indian botany persist in misusing S. nigrum for what is S. americanum, a diploid species with 2n=24. A key is given here to distinguish the two. "Pending firm evidence to the contrary, Rheede's (i.e., the H. Mal.) element is perhaps best treated as S. americanum. Names: nilamchunda, still used in Kerala; also called manithakkali.

Roys 1931, 248. Mayan: Ich-('ch' plosive)can. Solanum nigrum, L. "A synonym for pahal-can." 2723. Pahal-can. Solanum nigrum, L. Black nightshade. Yerba mora.

Yacovleff and Herrera 1934-1935, 281. S. nigrum, L. called hierba mora in Peru. An herbaceous plant with light blue flowers. Has narcotic properties.

Brown 1935, 255. Marquesas: koporo. Juice of the leaves is used as a toothache remedy. A widely distributed weed in tropical and temperate parts of the globe; possibly of aboriginal introduction in the Marquesas. Also from eastern Polynesia in general.

Watt 1888, VI, Part III, 263—4. Found throughout India and Ceylon. Distributed to all temperate and tropical regions of the world. Berries were described in Sanskrit works of medicine.

Bretschneider 1882, 57—61. The famous Chinese volume of Materia Medica, Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu, which was compiled in part from older materials, mentions Solanum nigrum.

Maimonides 1974. Solanum nigrum mentioned.

Mayerhof and Sobhy 1932. S. nigrum mentioned, from Maimonides.

Balfour 1871—1873, V, 461—2. English nightshade, or common nightshade. Sanskrit: kaka machie; Persian: ruba tarbuc; Hindi: mako, mackoe, pilkak, kaknachi. Although considered by Europeans to be poisonous, natives of India eat the fruit with impunity. Used medicinally.

Hernandez 1942—1946 [before 1580], III, 710. Discussing Toonchichi, this is a strange (foreign? extranjera) species of Solanum. Identified as Solanum? Under the name, tonchichi, it is known today in Oaxaca, according to M. Martínez ('Catalogo,' p. 475) as Solanum nigrum. "Nevertheless, this species of Solanum, so well-known in Spain with the name of hierba mora, did not seem 'strange' to Hernandez.

Standley 1920—1926, 1296—7. Widely distributed in tropical and temperate regions of both hemispheres. Black nightshade. A common weed in Mexico and the U.S. Berries commonly believed to be poisonous, yet some forms of the plant have been cultivated under the names 'wonderberry' and 'garden huckleberry.' A somewhat variable plant, and many of the forms, including several from Mexico, have been described as distinct species.

Solanum repandum or S. sessiliflorum

Origin: Americas?

Summary: Such closely-related species distributed in linkable areas invites seeing one species derived from the other, in whichever direction. The similar uses suggest human carriage rather than natural passive transmission.

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B plus

Sources: See combined sources on Solanum spp.

Solanum tuberosum

Origin: South America

Summary: Early visitors to Easter Island were shown/given tubers that appear to have been S. tuberosum.

Transfer: South America to Easter Island

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: A minus

Sources: Solanum tuberosum—potato

McBryde 1945, 139—40. There are thirty species in Mexico and Guatemala, double those of Peru or Chile. Small red ones were probably in Guatemala as a pre-Columbian introduction (from the south). McBryde had seen ceramic models in Peru of a large, well-developed potato similar to the 'Irish' potato.

Jeffreys 1963a, 11—23. Quotes from Roggeveen, the first European to visit Easter Island (1721), who said in the original log of the expedition that the natives presented them with "a good lot of potatoes" (193, citing the translation in Corney 1908, 135.) 19. In 1825, the ship Blossom visited the island and Peard's journal mentions receiving "small baskets of potatoes." (Jeffreys distinguishes these from batatas, sweet potatoes.)

Yarnell 1970, 225. Earliest remains: Peru, 2700 BP.

Mellén B. 1986, 133. A report from Olaondo, who investigated part of the interior of the island the same day as Hervé and others in the first Spanish expedition to Easter Island stopped elsewhere, noted that the natives had "some maize and potatoes." He is the only chronicler to note the potato. Mention of these two plants augments the evidence for an introduction of plants from the New World by South American navigators. The current Easter Island word for the patata (the term used by Olaondo) nowadays is kumara putéte (formed from the word for sweet potato, kumara, plus a second term derived from the English word 'potato').

Stubbs 1996, 24. Two examples, amidst a large set of lexical correspondences forming a systematic pattern that relates Semitic to Uto-Aztecan languages, show Hebrew tirmania, 'truffle,' and Hopi t•mna/t•mon, potato. The sound transformations are witnessed in many other cases presented. Also, he compares Aramaic kam', 'truffle,' with Náhuatl kamo'-tli, sweet potato; and notes also Ugaritic kama'atu(m), 'truffle,' and Cora kamwah, 'sweet potato.' [The possible lexical relationships might be evidence that at least some tuber may have been known among or exchanged between both these languages/cultures, or maybe just the idea of tuber.]

Sonchus oleraceus

Origin: Old World

Summary: In addition to a long history and wide distribution in Eurasia, the sources identify the same plant in pre-Columbian America. This species is often confused with C. intybus. Either is called 'chicory' in various sources.

Transfer: Old World to the tropics of the New World

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: B plus

Sources: Sonchus oleraceus—sow thistle

Tozzer 1941, 196. Landa in 16th-century Yucatan says: "There are very fresh chicories and they grow them in the cultivated lands, although they do not know how to eat them." [Probably meaning that they did not know how to process the roots to make the coffee flavorer, or coffee substitute, known as chicory.] Footnote 1058, p. 196: "Roys (268) and Lundell identify this as Sonchus oleraceus, L., a native of the Old World. Roys gives the Mayan name as nabukak and notes that while this name does not appear in any of the Yucatecan sources, "the plant is probably the one described here by Landa."

Watt 1988—1893, II, 285. He lists Cichorium intybus, Linn. The wild, or Indian, endive, chicory, or succory, is cultivated from the Atlantic to Punjab and Kashmir and Morocco to Lake Baikal, wild in many places. 287. The young plant is used as a vegetable. The roots are roasted, ground, and mixed with coffee to flavor it. Sometimes it serves as a substitute for coffee.

Bailey 1935, III, 3189. Of the genus of 40 or more species in the Old World, some of them were introduced in North America as weeds. In the Canaries it is considered a salad.

Balfour 1871—1873, V, 482—3. Sonchus ciliatus, Lam. syn S. oleraceus, Roxb.. W.: Ic. Eng.: sow thistle. A native of Europe, of the Punjab plains and up to 8,500 ft., and of Peninsular India. Used in the Nilgherries as a potherb by natives. In Kashmir, people use it as a vegetable.

Watson 1868, 259. Persian: Cichorium endivia, kasnee. The seeds in Hindi and Tamil are called kassini-verei. 274. ditto, kesni. Cichorium intybus, Linn. The wild, or Indian, endive, Chicory.

Bretschneider 1892, 179. Sonchus oleraceus, sow thistle. Chinese terms given.

Roys 1931, 268. Mayan: "Nabukak. Sonchus oleraceus, L. Achicoria, lechuga silvestre [wild lettuce]. What Landa called 'chicories.'"

Yacovleff and Herrera 1933—1934, 299. Peru. Discussion of "Cerraja; Chicoria. Hypothoeris sonchoides, Kth. Used in popular medicine as an antibilious and antifever remedy. Hypochoeris stenocephola var. subcaposa Hieron. is rather similar to the preceding species. Used for food and medicine. Quotes Contreras: "It is an herb used by the Indians in health and sickness; they eat it raw. Has the same properties as chicory."

Sophora toromiro

Origin: South America

Summary: The many uses to which this valuable tree is put, the tradition that says it was introduced by a voyaging ancestor, and the highly restricted distribution argue for arrival of the tree by voyaging immigrants.

Transfer: South America to Easter Island

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: A

Sources: Sophora toromiro—toromiro tree (Kew. syn. tetraptera {N.Z., Chile})

Heyerdahl 1963, 26—7. The only wild tree in the flora of Easter Island, now essentially extinct except for some bushes. Formerly the principal material for wood-carving, used for house frames, tiny canoes, for ceremonial and practical paddles and clubs, wooden images, etc. Traditions recorded by the first missionaries said that the toromiro tree was imported by the original immigrant ancestors.

Knoche (1919) considered it a cultivated plant. Apart from a distant relative in New Zealand, related species are absent from Polynesia. Skottsberg found that its closest relative is Sophora masafuerana from Juan Fernández Island. The time and mode of introduction to the island is obscure, possibly having come from some South American area where it is now lost.

Skottsberg 1920, 421. Forster (who was with Capt. Cook in 1774) mentioned 'Mimosa' (Sophora toromiro). On page 373, he says: "Sophora (called tetraptera) was recognized and recorded only from Chile, Juan Fernandez, Easter Island, and New Zealand."

Mellén B. 1986, 135. Pascuan [Easter Island] traditions relate that ancestral settler Hotu Matu'a brought to the island different species of trees and plants, such as the totomíro (sic), (i.e.) Sophora toromiro. The indigenous name derives from totó-miro, literally translated as 'blood of wood.'

Guppy 1906, II, 64. At Easter Island he suspects South American immigration due to the presence of Sophora tetraptera (assumes it equals S. toromiro.)

Spondias lutyea

Origin: uncertain

Summary: Known only from Standley's comment.

Grade: incomplete

Source: Spondias lutyea

Standley 1920—1926, 658. The species is widely distributed "in the tropics of both hemispheres." This species is rather rare in Mexico but sometimes [is] in cultivation. "It may be that it is not native there." Its fruit is similar to the mombin but of inferior quality. "This species has doubtless been confused in Mexico with S. mombin."

Spondias purpurea

Origin: Americas

Summary: The 'mirabolanos' of the Mediterranean, and S. mombin, or S. purpurea, of Middle America appear to be the same (the early Spaniards considered them the same plant).

Transfer: Middle America to Eurasia

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Spondias purpurea (syn. mombin; syn. pinnata; syn. acuminata)—hog plum, golden mombin, ciruela

Tozzer 1941,198. Spondias purpurea L. 'plum,' Yucatan

Aiyer 1956, 19. Spondias mangifera is the Indian hog-plum; Sanskrit: amrataka, mentioned in the Birhat Samhita and Mahabharatha, dated previous to AD 400.

Patiño 1963, 254—5. Also called hobos, or jobos, mirabolanos, and other names listed. In the Antilles, the Spaniards believed that the Spondias mombim, or hobo (a 'plum'), was the same as the Asiatic mirabolanos. In the beginning in the Antilles, they fed them to hogs, hence 'hog plum.'

Yacovleff and Herrera 1933—1934, 304. Spondias purpurea L. ciruelo, jobo. The fruit is an oval drupe, purple or yellow color, pleasant acidic taste, with a single seed. According to Vavilov, it grows spontaneously and is cultivated in southern Mexico. It was seen by Cabezas in Peru.

Roys 1931, 235. "Chi-abal. Spondias mombin, L." Ciruela morada. 245. Syn. Ciruela colorada. 213: abal-ac. S. purpurea. Motul: "The wild ciruela and its fruit." English: 'hog plum.' Maya medicinal use. 312. Also zuli-abal ("probably S. mombin.")

Bretschneider 1882, 38. In the document, Nan fang Ts'ao Mu Chan (China), the author, Ki Han, AD 290—307, lists 80 species including Spondias.

García-Bárcena 2000, 14. Spondias mombin, ciruela, was grown in Mexico from 5000 BC.

Brücher 1989, 217—8. Red mombin, jocote. Probably of Central American origin, native also in the Antilles. Distributed from Mexico to Paraguay. During fruiting thousands of yellow fruits cover the soil under the trees, avidly devoured by wild animals and hogs. Fruit similar to European plums.

Standley 1920—1926, 656—8. He equates S. mombin with S. purpurea. Called jobo, or hobo, in some areas, ciruela, etc. English name is 'hog plum.' Common in many parts of Mexico. The tree is treated by most of the early writers on the Americas. Oviedo names it xocot, ciruelo (sic), and hobo. S. purpurea is illustrated by Hernandez [by 1580] but without description, under the name mazaxochotli. It has fruit similar to mombin but of inferior quality. "This species has doubtless been confused in Mexico with S. mombin." [One of the reasons for the many varieties is that the tree can be easily reproduced; any time a new taste or shape of fruit is observed, it can be reproduced by simply placing a branch in the ground.]

Addendum: Too late to enter in detail: Carter 2002, 253.

Synedrella nodiflora

Origin: American tropics

Summary: Its distribution in at least India and the Americas raises a question about possible transfer by ancient voyagers. In the absence of better information we consider it a reasonable possibility that it spread to India at the same time as other plants demonstrated (above) to have so traveled.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Synedrella nodiflora (L.) Gaertn. (Kew: Am. Trop.)

Brown 1935, 349. Two species of this genus are natives of the American Tropics. This one is now worldwide in the Tropics. "A pantropic weed of American origin; probably of aboriginal introduction in southeastern Polynesia."

Pandey 2000, 274. S. nodiflora, from Tropical America, "naturalized in some parts of India".

Pope 1968, 253. Listed by Hooker (Flora of British India, Vol. 3, 308, 1879) as distributed in the tropics of the Americas and Asia. It was recently reported growing on Christmas Island in the eastern Pacific; that island has had no modern settlers likely to have introduced the plant. [There are indications of some transient ancient visitors, although Pope supposes that the plant was introduced by floating on the ocean.]

Tagetes erecta

Origin: Mexico

Summary: Substantial evidence from several lines shows that the plant has long been in India and is used in essentially the same ways in Mexico.

Transfer: Mexico to India

Time of transfer: in time to receive two Sanskrit names and to become firmly ensconced in the ceremonial calendar on a wide scale.

Grade: A

Sources: Tagetes erecta—large marigold

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 188. South-central Mexico is the place of maximum gene diversity. Probably a parent of T. patula.

Nadkarni 1914, 389. In India, Tagetes erecta. Eng.: French marigold

Pandey 2000, 287. India. T. erecta is a native of Africa or Mexico.

Chopra et al. 1956, 239. Sanskrit: zanduga

Torkelson 1999, 1853. Sanskrit: zanduga

Int. Lib. Assoc. 1996, 574. Sanskrit: sthulapushpa

Pullaiah 2002, II, 492. Sanskrit: sandu, sthulapushpa, ganduga. Medicinal uses.

Hernandez 1942—1946, II, 644—52. Ten varieties of Tagetes are illustrated by Hernandez, including T. erecta (cempoalxochitl, or 'flor de muerto'). Also, macuilxochitl, possibly a variety of T. erecta, or of T. patula, while T. patula may be his tepecenpoalxochitl. 'Flor de muerto' means flower of death.

Neher 1968. Gives a long list of uses for each species of marigold, with country listed. 321. In India, it is an anti-nematode. Used as general coloring, same as Bixa orellana. Tagetes patula and T. erecta are revered for their beauty and are the species most commonly associated with observance of All Saints Day, Nov. 1, and All Souls Day, Nov. 2, in Latin America. Called 'flor del muerto.' In Mexico, the most abundant flowering of the marigolds corresponds with the time of these religious ceremonies. Flowers are used to decorate household altars and are strewn on the graves of relatives and on paths to guide the souls of dead children to food and offerings placed on the altars. Marigolds commonly found growing in profusion along pathways and cemeteries. 322. Both species are also used in Hindu religious ceremonies. Used as altar decoration. Eyewitness account by Harlan is quoted of a village harvest festival when village gods were decorated with garlands of marigolds. Flowers were everywhere. The orange/yellow shade of the flowers is exactly the same as maize and peppers (grown in that village). Harlan says it seems evident that the marigold provided the model (color) for the other crops to mimic. The marigold is a sacred flower in the Kulu valley, Himachel Pradesh, and varieties of maize and peppers have been bred to match its color.

Johannessen, personal observation. There is heavy production of Tagetes plants and flowers of several sizes in Bhutan and Nepal for use in celebrations in adjacent regions of India, where each year rickshas and taxis are strung with marigold flowers in a riot of color from Oct. 30—Nov. 3.

Newcomb 1963, 164. The marigold, genus Tagetes, is a ritual flower in Mexico and Central America that was carried early into Europe along with its same usage. It is used to deck out the icons, and in South Germany it is known as the flower of the dead. It is a domesticated plant in Mexico, where double marigolds were found.

Tagetes patula

Origin: Mexico

Summary: The uses in India are nearly identical to those in Mexico for both this species and for T. erecta. Evidently they were transmitted as a pair.

Transfer: Mexico to India. There is insufficient data to determine whether the German use/transfer was post- or pre-Columbian.

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian; probably transferred with T. erecta

Grade: B

Sources: Tagetes patula—dwarf marigold, French marigold

Roys 1931, 279. Mayan, x-puhuk, or maceual-puhuk. Very abundant in old fields near Izamal. See also Hernandez 1942—1944 (before 1580), III, 652. T. patula.

Pandey 2000, 271. T. minuta (referring to dwarf?) is one species "naturalized in some parts of India." 287. T. patula a native of Mexico.

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 188. South-central Mexico is the place of maximum gene diversity. Probably T. patula has T. erecta as an evolutionary parent.

Pullaiah 2002, II, 493. Sanskrit: taugla.

See also the information under the Neher entry on T. erecta.

Tamarindus indicus

Origin: Asia

Summary: Wide distribution and naturalization in Tropical America leads to the possibility of a pre-Columbian transfer for which there is no direct evidence except a native Mayan name.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Tamarindus indicus—tamarind tree

McBryde 1945, 147. Says of its Mesoamerican presence, "presumably from India."

Castelló Yturbide 1987, 61. The tamarind, an Asiatic tree, must have arrived very early on the Manila galleon, for it is found everywhere in tierra caliente (in Mexico).

MacNeish 1992, Table 9.1. Native of Southeast Asia.

Pandey 2000, 271. T. indica, a native of tropical Africa, was imported to India.

Roys 1931, 273. "Pah-chuhuc ('ch' plosive). Tamarindus indica, L." "Although a native of the East Indies, it appears to be thoroughly naturalized in the Maya area."

Johannessen, personal observation. Tamarind fruit is produced abundantly in Central America in the regions of hot climate where the juice, mixed with water, is used as a refreshing drink.

Tephrosia sp.

Origin: uncertain

Summary: Quigley raises questions about the reason for this tree's presence on either side of the South Atlantic. Further study is needed.

Grade: incomplete

Source: Tephrosia sp.

Quigley 1956, 510. After discussing botanical nomenclature, which includes many synonyms for the species, he concludes, intermediately, that "In general, the wide distribution of a few plants used in the same way over an area which is known to have been in culture contact from a remote period of prehistory (sic) seems to strengthen the view that the whole Old World forms a single diffusion area." Furthermore (513), "The evidence seems clearly to show that the fish poisoning trait did not come to the New World by way of Bering Strait." On subsequent pages he presents a highly detailed treatment of the intergrading and overlapping of the species of fish-stupefying plants which has resulted in labeling what are effectively the same species, or at least the same genera, on different continents as multiples. For example (517), the worldwide range of some species of Tephrosia, their weed-like qualities (such as prevalence around old human habitats, showing travel as hitch-hikers with humans), their great variability, their occurrence as cultivated plants on very primitive levels, all serve to make Tephrosia an important plant in the study of early agriculture, prehistoric migrations, and cultural diffusion. There are about 150 species, of which 22 are used as fish poisons. However, the list of 22, because of taxonomic overlap, is actually fewer. 519. . . . "It would seem that the widespread American fish-poison Tephrosia toxicaria and the widespread African fish-poison Tephrosia vogelii could, botanically speaking, have been derived by long cultivation from a common ancestor, and have passed across the Atlantic from Africa to jungle South America in the pre-Columbian period." "This view is supported by a great mass of evidence, no single piece of which is entirely convincing but whose cumulative effect is rather persuasive." 520. Beyond the Tephrosia species, pantropical plants of other genera, that are recorded as piscicides in at least part of their range, are Cissampelos pareirs [sp.?] L., Sapindus saponaria L. [q.v. in this study], and Entada phaseoloides L. (all the above with many references).

Trapa natans

Origin: Eurasia

Summary: Occurrence and use in China as well as, reportedly, in North America, this distribution has raised the question of how and when transfer took place between the hemispheres. That needs further study.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Trapa natans—water chestnut

Sauer 1969. Raises a question about the plant's occurrence in both hemispheres.

Bretschneider 1892, 220. In his Index Florae Sin., on page 311, all the Chinese species of Trapa are referred to as varieties of Tr. natans, L.

Balfour 1871—73, V, T—186. The European species is said to be grown also in China. The seed is good to eat, somewhat like a chestnut. It was known to the Romans. Pliny said it was used on the Nile for food.

Watson 1969, 400. "At the site of Chiien Shan Yang in Chekiang, in addition to rice, the following were identified," Arachis hypogaea (obviously a very early American crop import), and Trapa natans. (Citing, in endnote 17, "Chekiang Province Cultural Properties Control Report {1960} on the first and second seasons of excavation at the site of Ch'ien-shan-Yang in Wu-hsing hsien, Chekiang, K'ao ku hsüeh pao, 2 pp. 84.7.")

Triumfetta semitriloba

Origin: Americas

Summary: The use of this neo-tropical species on the island makes quite certain its transfer from the mainland, along with at least a dozen other plants (above).

Transfer: South America to Easter Island

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian?

Grade: C

Sources: Triumfetta semitriloba

Heyerdahl, 1963. 31. The bark of this Easter Island plant provided material for rope.

Knoche (1925, 102, 123) lists the plant as being at home in the American tropics.

Roys 1931, 267. A shrub 10 feet high found in brush lands near Izamal, Yucatan. The small fruit is covered with spines and sticks to clothing.

Verbesina encelioides

Origin: Americas

Summary: Hillebrand's expert judgment should be respected unless it is impeached by pertinent facts. The significance of the fact that the plant is also naturalized in India needs further investigation.

Transfer: North or Middle America to Hawaii

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian

Grade: C

Sources: Verbesina encelioides (Cav.) Benth. & Hook, f. ex A. Gray #3 VEEN Crownbeard (from biosis) (Kew. Am. No. and Austr.)

Hillebrand 1888, 204. A note under the genus statement says: "A large genus, diffused over the warmer parts of the American Continent." The note following the species description says: "A native of Mexico, Arizona, and Texas." On page XCIII, the volume editor, W.F. Hillebrand, notes that his father, the author, changed his mind about some plants which he first assumed to be introduced since Capt. Cook's voyage of discovery; those plants "may in reality have been of earlier introduction," but he failed to go back and remove the symbols indicating the fact. He says, "Of 9 non-endemic species which existed before the discovery . . . one, Verbesina [is] American . . .."

Pandey 2000, 241. V. encelioides, from Tropical America, is one species "naturalized in some parts of India."

Vigna sinensis

Origin: Africa

Summary: The American distribution deserves further research in light of other transfers from the Old World evidenced above.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Vigna sinensis—cowpea

Newcomb 1963, 40. This is African, although it was considered to be from the New World until De Candolle. It is a possible Negro African introduction before Columbus, although it was missing from Arab Africa.

Sauer 1950, 500—3. Vigna sp. occurred in both hemispheres before Columbus.

Vitis vinifera

Origin: Old World

Summary: Martinez' discovery of apparently V. vinifera seeds in archaeological remains from southern Mexico is basis enough for more careful scrutiny of other sources.

Transfer: Old World to Mesoamerica

Time of transfer: by the turn of our era

Grade: B minus

Sources: Vitis vinifera—grape

Bretschneider 1892, 316. The true vine, Vitis vinifera, L., now extensively cultivated in the northern part of China, was introduced into China from Western Asia, in about 125 BC, and is known since that time under the name of p'u t'ao.

Sauer 1993, 167. Vitis includes about 60 species native mainly to North and Central America and to East and Southeast Asia. Vitis vinifera is the Eurasian grape. It is considered by experts to have been derived from a single, fairly homogeneous wild progenitor, V. sylvestris. 169. In Asia, the earliest evidence of cultivation of V. vinifera and of wine making is from Iran and Baluchistan, dated before 2000 BC. Cultivation spread very slowly into India and China.

Scholes and Warren 1965, 784. A 'grape' was in use in the Olmec area, Gulf Coast of Mexico, at Conquest (species not identified).

Martínez M. 1978, 14, 21. The site of his study is a few miles upstream from Santa Rosa, near Laguna Francesa, on the south bank of the Grijalva River, southern Mexico. He worked primarily on the contents of two bottle-shaped cavities (chultuns) filled with trash. Dated to the Proto-Classic period (200 BC to AD 200), i.e., the second half of Chiapas V through VII (ceramic periods). He used flotation to extract seed from excavated material. On 105ff is Cuadro No. 13, classification of vegetal remains. "Vitis, wild, called bejuco de agua (vid)." Under "Estimulantes" he gives: "Vitis. silvestre (wild), vino, fruto, fermentado ({assumed} fermented)." 121. Cites Miranda 1975—1976, I, 175—6, as reporting from field survey in Chiapas three species: V. bouraeana, or watervine; V. tiliifolia, also called watervine; and V. vinifera, or 'vid europea.' He also mentions V. labrusca, or 'vid americana,' leaving it unclear if he considered this a fourth species of grape. A rather good quality wine can be made from the juice (no species pinpointed). Vitis is wild and only slightly represented in our materials. 125. As indicated previously, utilizing the juice of the grape, pressed and fermented, he says that it is possible to produce a good quality wine. 176. Furthermore, the sap from the stem of the grape plant is fermented (today) to make a drink called 'taberna.'

Zea mays

Origin: Mesoamerica

Summary: Archaeological evidence demonstrates unquestionably that this species was known in pre-Columbian Asia. Of particular interest is the discovery in an archaeological site on the island of Timor of remains of maize dating to the 3rd millennium BC. There probably were separate introductions of 'primitive' Z. mays. Strikingly similar plants have been found growing in the Himalaya and interior East Asia and a more developed variety of later date. Names, including Sanskrit names, as well as art representations, confirm that maize was growing in India before, as well as after, the turn of our era. A historical record also places the crop in the Middle East by AD 800. Maize may also have reached Eastern Europe, as well as Africa, in pre-Columbian times, although its immediate source may have been India/Middle East.

Case 1: Transfer: America to Southeast Asia

Time of transfer: by the 3rd millennium BC

Grade: A

Case 2: Transfer: America to India and perhaps then to China and the Middle East

Time of transfer: by the 1st century BC to India

Grade: A

Case 3: Transfer: America to Eastern Europe

Time of transfer: pre-Columbian (may be due to an extension of Case 2)

Grade: C.

Sources: Zea mays—corn, maize

Zeven and de Wet 1982, 75. Secondary center of gene diversity (after Central America) is "S. Himalayas" where flint maize is common (citing Brandolini 1970).

Pokharia and Saraswat, 1999, 99. Maize. Also they note sculptures of maize-ears in 12th—13th centuries and earlier in Hoysala temples in Karnataka. Sureness of details means they had models of actual ears (see endnote 165). ". . . Some ancient maizes have likely existed in Asia for a long time." References to maize in the 13th century AD literature in China (endnote 170) and in 5th century AD literature in India (endnote 171) suggest much earlier introduction in Asia. 101. A series of caves in Timor, Indonesia, have a continuous sequence of occupation from 12,000 BC to the time of Christ [sic. That date is in error, according to the referenced source, Glover 1977] (endnote 175). In the top layers (according to Glover) dated to the "middle of the 3rd millennium BC", several introduced New World crops occur (Glover supposes "from the northwest"), such as peanuts (Arachis), custard-apple/soursop (Annona) and maize (Zea mays) together with Southeast Asian, or generally Asian, natives (for complete information, see Glover 1977).

Balfour 1871—73, V. "Zea." Bengali: mokka; Panjab: mak, makki, makkei; Persian: bajri; Sanskrit: yavanala; Tamil.: makka-cholum; Telugu: makka-jonna. "Zea is entirely American."

Monier Williams' standard Sanskrit dictionary lacks a word for maize, yet Watt (1888—1893, VI, Pt IV, 327) reported that in his day a certain (unspecified) publication by Williams himself "furnishes three [Sanskrit] words as denoting 'maize': sasyam, stamba-kari, and sasyavisesha—the last meaning, appropriately, 'remarkable grain.'"

Chopra et al. 1956, 260. Sanskrit: yavanala

Torkelson 1999, 1874. Sanskrit: yavanala

Bretschneider 1892, 149—150. Another graminea identified by the Japanese (from Matsumura) is Zea mays, with a three-character identifier. [It is not clear whether the names recorded in Japan were or were not from the era before European influence reached the Far East.]

Johannessen and Wang Siming 1998, 10—12. Well over 100 Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist temples bear sculpted depictions of maize being held in the hand of a voluptuous female figure. The images of the ears include over 40 anatomical features unique to maize (e.g., the shapes of ears or cobs, the representations of corn silk, arrangement of rows in relation to each other, arrangement of kernels, unpollinated small kernels, etc.) all of which indicate that actual maize ears had to have been models for the sculptures. Opponents of this view have suggested other objects being held rather than corn. Those explanations are not credible. Various investigators have also found ancient maize varieties in the hill country of Southeast Asia and the northern India subcontinent. Johannessen found in Bhutan and in Yunnan province, China, maize with tiny grains, four-row ears, and multiple ears per stalk.

Johannessen and Wang cont'd. 12—13. The sculptured ears studied are from numerous temples of the 11th to 13th centuries, built during the Hoysala Dynasty located in what is now Karnataka state, India, whose rulers and buildings are well-documented historically. Artists generally signed their work and their biographies are known. Architectural study has shown that the sculpted sections are not additions of later date. In other statuary, of the 6th through 10th centuries, maize ears are held by males, such as a carving of Vishnu, who is shown holding a maize ear carved in a living sandstone wall of a cave near Badami. And Kubera, god of wealth and abundance, shown as a corpulent figure holding an ear of maize, is depicted in a statue dated to the 8th century.

13—14. Some art historians have questioned whether these are ears of corn or of some other plant or object. Corn experts of the U.S. Department of Agriculture who have been shown full photographic documentation of these sculptures concur fully that maize is what is represented by all the specimens displayed on the Indian temple art. In fact, some observers have recognized particular New World ecological source regions for the ears used as models by some of the Indian artists, as Johannessen had suggested. Moreover, studies of names for maize in India and other parts of Asia find notable similarities with certain American names, particularly a connection of names in Amazonian South America with South Asian names for maize.

18—19. Maize is recorded in a Chinese medical encyclopedia of ca. AD 1448 which gives detailed guidance on the curative use of corn silk and seeds. This would not have been true of a recently-acquired plant. According to Burkill (1966), the reported treatment with maize products is still used in Southeast Asia for renal problems. Actual maize ears were reported taken from a tomb excavated in Sichuan Province, said to date to about 2000 BP (Han Dynasty). The only documentation was in a newspaper, but the find was known to a number of archaeologists. Because of the prevailing assumption by established scientists of a late date for maize, administrators did not allow the ears to be submitted for C14 dating as requested by the field archaeologists, and the specimens were discarded.

Johannessen 1998a, 122. The sculpted figures holding maize ears make specific Hindu mudra signs (symbolic hand positions). A set of temples earlier than those of Karnataka state is now reported from west-central India that date to the 5th to 8th centuries. They bear sculpted figures of male Hindu gods holding maize in their hands.

Johannessen and Parker 1987, 9—10. They point out the possibility that maize was related to elements of Hindu philosophy. Yellow maize appears 'golden.' Vishnu, the major Hindu god, his consorts, and various forms of the goddess Lakshmi are associated with golden offerings. Corn would fit in nicely with this emphasis on gold. Other temples that have possible maize effigies include: Sravana Belagola, a Jain Temple complex of the 8th century AD; Boodgaya Temple, 1st century BC; and a Kubera Temple in Rajasthan of the 8th century AD. 16. Zea mays also is mentioned in 13th-century literature in China (see Kia Ming, cited in Marzeweski 1966) and in 5th century literature in India (see Tagare 1982, 448, 486—7, 498).

Johannessen (1992, 313—33) compares and relates several expressions for maize (tar, hobba or hab, ang, mak or maka, jonar, kana, and Bhutta) that appear and reappear variously in the Andes, Southeast Asia, Indonesia, China, India, Brazil, and Africa. 317. The Hindu goddess, Lakshmi, and god, Vishnu, needed to be worshipped with gold; and they are apparently associated the temples in India where yellow maize is displayed in art. Other colors of maize seed—red, blue, black, white, spotted, and striped—also fit variously into the religious complex of India.

Jeffreys 1955, 427—432. He recapitulates documentary evidence for maize being in Asia and Africa before Columbus. For example, he quotes Idrisi, ca. 1150, about people from Senegal to Tchad using "large-grained millet" which, he shows, can only be maize. He also quotes Bonafous (1836) who reported that maize had been brought by Arabs into Spain in the 13th century. Also, Bertagnoli (1881) writes of a grain, "grano Turco," that some people think came from Asia and that first appeared in Italy during the Crusades. According to this "Carta donationis verae Crucis et primii seminis meligae," maize was introduced in 1204 by two captains on their return from the siege of Constantinople. Naysayers have considered this a forged document, yet Bertagnoli says he has "read all the medieval chronicles available on this matter and has found mention at least a hundred times" of 'grano Turco' (maize) before the New World was even dreamed of."

Towle 1961, 21—5. Two major types of corn are found in Peruvian archaeological sites, which she calls Group A and Group B. The former is a weak pod-corn, or primitive popcorn. Found in earlier levels, starting in the Cupisnique period, ca. 750 BC, these cobs tend to be as wide as they are long. Group B resembles more elongated forms of corn typically grown in Peru today. The cylindrical ears are larger than those of Group A and bear larger kernels. Group B cobs are reported from Ancón (ca. the middle of 1st millennium BC) and at Paracas a little later in the Formative.

Marszewski 1975, 237—60, and 1978, 128—63. He gives a complete review of the literature in regard to the question of maize in Southeast Asia and China. 241. His map plots vernacular names of maize in Vietnam with apparent similarities in Colombia and Peru. 239. One set of maize forms is distinguished by (1) many small ears on a stalk; (2) small spherical kernels having sometimes waxy endosperm; (3) many prop-roots (p. 243); shortness of almost all organs, etc. Most of these range among the popcorn subvarieties (Zea mays L. var. everta) labelled as a 'Persian' race and considered the most 'primitive' (Anderson), or 'pure' (Suto and Yoshida), type of maize in the Old World. These varieties are cultivated mainly by the conservative hill peoples in Asia but not in coastal zones; they have been identified from the Pontian Mountains eastwards to the Himalaya and on southward through the western part of the Indochina, maybe all the way to Java. 240. The close counterparts of the Asiatic popcorns, particularly North Anatolian, Assamese, and Siamese forms of the 'Persian' race, show traits like short cobs with spherical kernels as known from prehistoric graves and trash-heaps on the shores of Peru, Chile, and even in Argentina (Towle's Race A). 242—3. Other characteristics of the Asiatic popcorns are linked to those growing in isolated places in Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, and Colombia.

Marszewski, cont'd., 243—5. Waxy maize. Collins (1909, 1920) collected this in Southeast China, upper Burma, and Mindanao, and considered it "of a respectable age." Kuleshov (1928) reported the varieties from a far wider area inside Asia and thought a relatively long time had to have elapsed for them to evolve. Anderson (1945) even thought this maize evidence that Zea mays might have originated in Asia (247). He notes the overlap in part of area growing amaranth with Asiatic maize and the peanut. (On 255, he adds a discussion of possible presence of tobacco in India and Southeast Asia.) 250—1. Maszewski also gives maize names used by Tibeto/Burman peoples of the Himalaya in comparison to names among the Chibchan language family of Panama and Colombia. "The degree of similitude between the above-mentioned Asiatic and American vernacular names of maize is so great, that, if the peoples under consideration were living on the adjacent territories, their maize appellations could be easily suspected to derive from a common root . . .." 127. Marszewski hypothesizes that 'primitive' forms of maize "could have been picked up in one or another sector of the Pacific coast of the northern part of South America or southern part of Central America at an indefinite as yet time of the pre-Columbian era." Also, that this "could have been done by some aboriginal sailors coming from the shores of the northern part of South Vietnam and belonging perhaps to the Cham or other akin people." 132—134. Marszewski also discusses "The enigmatic maize forms (Sikkim Primitive 1 and 2) cultivated in some isolated pockets of Sikkim." (Cf. Dhawan 1964, and Gupta and Jain 1973). These have "strikingly primitive features." Results of experiments with those maizes and detailed study of their characteristics reveals that "these two Sikkimese races (especially SP 1) resemble astonishingly the progenitor of maize reconstructed by Mangelsdorf, and are much closer to it than any of the Mexican (Nal-Tel {Yucatan 7}, Palomero-Toluqueño, Chapalote) or Colombian (Pollo Segregaciones) races considered previously to be the most primitive known" (see Marszewski 1978, 163).

Marszewski, cont'd.,137. ". . . Among the agriculturalists and botanists who have studied them in detail in respect to their morphology, genetics, physiology, and distribution, almost all are inclined to admit their pre-Columbian occurrence in some at least of the above-mentioned region" (South China, Himalaya, East and South Asia). The author then reprises this viewpoint for Collins, Kuleshov, Anderson, Suto and Yoshida, Gupta and Jain, Vishnu-Mittre, and Gupta, all of whom either favor or allow for pre-Columbian presence of maize. 139—162. Review of indications from written records about pre-Columbian maize. Considers Chiba (1969) on the pharmacopoeia document of Lan Mao (AD 1397—1476) to be the best evidence, while noting potential problems with identifying the name of the apparent maize plant there mentioned. Other indications of similar nature are noted, mainly from the 16th century. 149—158. A long discussion follows on some Tibetan sources. Pre-Columbian reference to a plant that might be maize cannot be ruled out.

Marszewski, cont'd., 162. "In the light of all botanical data accumulated here, but especially those concerning the 'primitive' maizes from Sikkim (SP 1 and SP 2), the pre-Columbian transfer of such and akin forms into the more or less isolated regions inside the Himalayan zone by some aboriginal peoples, is more plausible than its post-Columbian introduction there by the Europeans." Moreover, the Chinese written sources indicate that in the border land involving certain parts of North China, Southeast Tibet, Arunachal, Bhutan, and Sikkim, maize, most probably belonging to the 'Persian' type, had already been cultivated before the 16th century.

Marszewski, cont'd., Final Addendum, dated 1966, says on p. 30 that one of the Sikkim primitive races bears "the closest resemblance to the wild maize of which an actual specimen in fossil was uncovered (1960) in the lower levels of San Marcos Cave in Mexico." Further, "ancient Tibetan literature" may refer to maize, and he gives an example in a text which dates before Columbus.

Suto and Yoshida 1952—1953, volume 2, 375—530. They compare Asiatic maizes, including 20 races from North China, which reveal that 'Caribbean' types, which prevail on the coasts of China and presumably were introduced by Europeans in the 16th century, were crossed with 'Aegean' types, which now predominate in China, particularly far inland. This is suggestive that the inland maize was present in pre-Columbian times.

Marszewski 1963, 250. Humlum (Zur Geographie, 24, 29, 74) pointed to some evidences of maize's probable presence in Angola around the year 1500.

Jeffreys (1953, 965—6) pointed out the discovery by archaeologists of potsherds decorated by rolling a maize cob over wet clay, at Ife, Nigeria. Regarding the questioned date: Ife is traditionally supposed to have been founded by a wave of immigrants from the East between AD 600 and 1000.

Marszewski 1987, 203. From the English summary: concerns an early transfer of maize across the Pacific, from the Americas to Asia or the opposite way. Supportive information includes the facts that among Mizo tribes and in Bhutan, cultivation of maize precedes in time rice cultivation, and maize plays an important role in local religious rituals and ceremonies.

Johannessen reports (personal communication, 2003) that the Tibetan lamaist oral tradition, as told to Johannessen and Parker by high ranking priests in Darjeeling, holds that maize was the first agricultural crop given to the Tibetans by god. Although the altitude is too high for the production of maize near Lhasa, maize is involved in worship there in the largest temple. This consists of the placement, erect in a large basin of rice in front of the largest figure of Buddha, of the largest ear of maize that can be found in northern India (collected fresh each year).

The Wealth of India 1974. 26—9. Long list of names for maize—Hindi: makai, makka, bhutta, junri, kukri, barajowar. Bengali: janar, bhutta, jonar. Mar.: maka, makai, buta. Gujerat: makkari, makkai. Telegu: modda-janna, makka jonnalu. Tamil: makka-cholam. Kan.: mekkejola, musukojola, goinjol. Mal.: cholam. Oriya: Maka buta. Assam: gomdhan, makoi. Manipur: chujak, nahom. 27: Fig. 2 is a photo of prolific primitive type maize from Sikkim. Evidence from Mexico and a possible secondary center of origin in the Andean region is summarized. "Asiatic origin of maize, or at least its occurrence in the continent in the pre-Columbian times has also been proposed. Outstanding variability in maize cultivars is noted, particularly from Assam, Maghalaya, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh in the east and the Chamba valley of Himachal Pradesh in the northwest is outstanding. Five theories of the origin of maize are summarized. Re. Africa: Portuguese introduction on the west coast early in the 16th century is mentioned, "though there is said to be some evidence of a prior introduction." Some maize-cob decorated potsherds have been found in West Africa, which are believed to date several centuries before Columbus landed in the New World in 1492. This and certain other evidences point to the introduction of maize into Africa through Arab/African contacts with the Americas in the beginning of AD 900. Re. Asia: mention is made primarily of Portuguese introduction. "A specimen of it (maize) was collected along the Euphrates River in Iraq in 1574." "The precise date and route of the introduction of maize into India still remains a mystery." The idea that it was the Portuguese is mentioned. But "lack of subsequent spread of maize cultivation, until very recently, in peninsular India, and the use of Muslim terminology (Makka, 'Mecca') in its vernacular names, suggest the arrival of maize first in northern India through Arab/African sources . . . long before the Portuguese came to India." "Further, . . . the identification of some very peculiar types of maize, considered to be the most primitive, from the northeastern Himalayan region, would also suggest the probable existence of maize in India in the pre-Columbian period. Pre-Columbian contacts between India and New World, particularly Mexico, have also been postulated from varied evidences." (Citing Leonard and Martin; Stonor and Anderson; Thapa; Weatherwax.)

Hatt 1951, 853—914. Myths and rituals in Asia associated with the cultivation of cereals, including maize, and of the origin of the yam (Dioscorea), agree with similar complex myths in the Americas about maize and yam. Re. Laufer's notion of the Spanish introduction of maize, which he says reached western China by 1540, Hatt cannot believe that a spread from Spain to India and across the Himalaya could have taken place in the less than 50 years that Laufer assumes; hence, maize very probably was in Asia in pre-Columbian times.

Gupta 1996,176. Mexican origin of maize is noted. "Asiatic origin of maize points to Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, and Chamba in Himachal Pradesh. This hypothesis is based on extensive studies done and recorded in various collections made from the northeastern and northwestern part of India. (Citation to The Wealth of India and Hutchinson.) "Different varieties of the corncob are extensively sculpted but only [or rather, chiefly] on the Hindu and Jain temples of Karnataka." Deities are shown carrying an ear of corn in their hands. The straight rows of the corn grains can be easily identified. The Chenna Kesava temple, Belur, and the Lakshmi Narasimha temple, Nuggehalli, are additional sites. At the latter the eight-armed dancing Vishnu in his female form of Mohini is holding a corn ear in one of her left hands and the other hands hold the usual emblems of Vishnu. Two male figures at the base are playing the mridanga (musical instrument). In the Trikuta basti, Muchamandapa, Sravana Belagola, Karnataka, a 12th century AD sculpture of Ambika Kushmandini sitting on a lotus seat under a canopy of mangoes holds in her left hand a corncob. Plate 223 depicting a Nayika holding a corncob in her left hand is from Nuggehalli, Karnataka. Temples where the sculptures of corncobs are found are dated [to the] 12th—13th centuries AD. The common belief [apparently meaning among Indian crop scientists] is that maize originated in Mexico and came to India by the 11th—12th century. By the time these temples were constructed, maize would have been fairly common in India."

Hutchinson 1974. " . . . The characteristics and distribution of some forms [are] such as to lend support to the view that they reached India in pre-Columbian times."

Vishnu-Mittre 1974, 6. "A spikelet of rice and pollen of maize appear after AD 1500," in the Kashmir Neolithic. 22. Impressions on a potsherd from Kaundinyapur, M. Pradesh, and dated archaeologically to about AD 1435, have created a difference of opinion among the experts. That the impression could be of a piece of basketry or, of course, textile or fabric has been disproved by experiments. This discovery tends to support a pre-Columbian introduction. [However, Johannessen reports, on the basis of careful personal observation of the actual specimen, courtesy of Vishnu-Mittre, that the marks were not made by maize but by a disc with protrusions on it that had been rolled on the clay, making impressions somewhat like kernels but showing drag marks, en echelon, in the curved clay.] Jeffreys gives names as supporting evidence for Arab introduction. Apart from the problem of its introduction, the enigmatic living fossil maize in Sikkim suggests reconsideration of the occurrence of maize there. Several different varieties are grown by aborigines in Siam, Burma, Assam, Sikkim, China, Tibet, etc. It seems to have been grown there for a long time. It could hardly have been introduced by Arabs. [Johannessen has found small-seeded four-rowed ears of corn growing in southern Yunnan and Laos, which are clearly unrelated to modern maizes.]

Mattingly 2000, 31—7. At an oasis zone 100 miles long and 2 to 3 miles wide [located] 700 miles south of Tripoli, Libya, the Garamantes people mentioned by Herodotus and Tacitus constituted such a threat to the Roman Empire that Rome sent an army against them. (Their heyday was the 1st to 4th centuries AD.) The area flourished agriculturally by tapping an aquifer with a system of underground channels (the foghara, or chain-well, system, which also was used in the Americas) and traded with both the Roman sphere and sub-Saharan Africa. Tombs shaped like the Egyptian stepped mastaba structures, as well as pyramid tombs, were also built. Recent archaeological work has identified "a series of significant botanical horizons—including a late medieval 'maize horizon,' which represents the arrival of plant species from the Americas, as well as a 'sorghum horizon,' which represents the arrival of sorghum grain from sub-Saharan Africa, probably during the Garamantian period." The Garamantes also wrote in a Libyan script; a version of this script (called Tifinag writing) has persisted among the nomadic Tuareg people of the Sahara.

Sauer 1993, 232. "The possibility of pre-Columbian presence of maize in various regions of the Old World was actively debated during the 1960s and 1970s. Historical evidence was drawn from early reports now generally interpreted as references to grain sorghum." "New evidence has been drawn from stone carvings in 12th- and 13th-century temples in southern India that depict objects resembling maize ears. The resemblances are intriguing, but other possible models have been suggested, including Pandanus fruits. Moreover, the carvings may not be as old as the temples." [Various publications by Johannessen and his colleagues have demonstrated that these speculations of Sauer are inadequately informed.]

Hatt, 1951, 853—914. Myths and rituals in Asia associated with the cultivation of cereals, including maize, and of the origin of the yam (Dioscorea) agree with those in America. Re. Laufer's notion of the Spanish introduction of maize, which he says reached western China by 1540, Hatt cannot believe that a spread from Spain to India and across the Himalaya could have taken place in the less than 50 years that Laufer assumes; hence, maize very probably was in Asia in pre-Columbian times.

Mellén Blanco 1986, 133. Maize was reported from the interior of the (Easter) island by Olaondo, part of the earliest Spanish party of exploration. On the island, maize is now called taráke.

Newcomb 1963,168. C. Sauer provides here a rich source of reviewed and new information in the section entitled "Maize into the Old World." Particularly valuable is the detailed treatment of information in the European herbals on maize, including names of the plant, comprehending the data of Finans, and much more, as well as Jeffreys. Highlights: 20. The term 'turkish corn' (grano turko, sorgho turko) is still used in Northern Italy today. Sauer questions the conventional answers to the following issues: (1) there were no New World/Old World contacts prior to Columbus; (2) maize was introduced into the Old World via Iberia; (3) maize was not known in the Old World prior to the Columbian voyages. He holds, rather (1) that the German herbalists who cataloged maize were competent men; (2) that the South German towns were intermediaries between Venice and the Rhine areas; (3) trade was most active over the pack routes leading between Central Europe and Genoa and Venice; (4) the Levantine trade channel was via Venice, especially during the 15th century, when there were the maximum developments of Venetian ties via the Adriatic to the Black Sea and Asia Minor; (5) Venice was in active commercial contact with the Ottoman Empire; (6) things Turkish were nowhere as well known as in Venice, and nowhere north of Venice was such information better known than in the towns of South Germany; (7) the name 'turkish corn' was affixed after the Turks had gained control of the Levant; (8) note the conspicuous and old usage of maize in the cuisine of the Po Valley even today, and this kitchen usage is not found elsewhere in Europe west of the Adriatic; (9) yet, maize is important as a food only east of the Adriatic in the Balkans and Hungary, both of which were under Turkish control for centuries; and (10) finally, maize cultivation and usage for food are seen clear into Turkish Asia Minor. 21. In South Austria and Vienna, maize is known as kukuruz, which is a widely used name also in Slavic areas, including Russia. W. Eberhard did not believe it a Turkish word. There is the suggestion that it is a transfer from the Po Valley, into South Germany, and thence as kukuruz into Eastern Europe. 21. Little evidence exists to support Laufer's theory of maize dispersal eastward from Spain. The same is true for the pumpkin, paprika, and tobacco. The Spanish colonists did not care much to eat maize, but were accustomed to wheat. 22. Hernandez in 1570 wrote about maize (tlaolli in Náhuatl), noting what a good grain it was and expressing curiosity as to why it had not been taken back to Spain for cultivation. Well, observes Sauer, maize was all right for the mixed (mestizo) and native people to eat, but wheat was the grain for white folks. Columbus indeed brought maize back, but it was adopted for cultivation sparsely in Iberia and then meant for animal feed. 22—25 give much detail about names of maize in Europe, especially re. Martyr and possible confusions with names for sorghum and pearl millet. 25—7 reprise Jeffreys on names in Africa. 27. "Conclusions on the question of maize introduction into the Old World:" (1) The documents belie the possibility of a Columbian introduction of the first maize into the Old World, and they refute Laufer's idea of a rapid spread of maize through the Mediterranean into Asia. Sauer is of the opinion that maize occurred in pre-Columbian times in Syria, North Italy, and Turkey; and, during post-Columbian times, the Portuguese introduced from West Africa the milho/zaburro crop. Jeffreys refers to a town of medieval date in West Africa that is notable for the prints of corncobs on tiles. This settlement was abandoned in the Middle Ages. He claims the existence of hundreds of tiles so marked. How firm is this evidence?, asks Sauer. [Cf. now Mattingly 2000.]

Johannessen and Parker 1987, 15. (1) In remote valleys in the Himalaya, such as Tashigang in Bhutan and Ilam in eastern Nepal, farmers grow primitive popcorns with seven to nine ears per stalk, all concentrated in the upper 20% of the stalk. Similar 'Sikkim Primitive' popcorn was recorded in Sikkim by Thapa (1966), Sachan et al. (1982), and Sachan et al. (1986a and 1986b), the latter in both Sikkim and elsewhere in northeastern India. These stalks have distinctive arrangements of leaves and their tassels droop in a form atypical for American maize. (2) At Pemagatshel, eastern Bhutan, there is a winter flint maize with short, conical ears with a somewhat fattish, or pregnant, shape as in the temple carvings in Karnataka Pradesh. A high conical shape used to be considered a trait of ancient specialization in Central America and Mexico, and in highland Peru. (3) Waxy (sticky) starch maize is widespread in Asia, from Manchuria and Korea to Burma, but it is rare to non-existent in ancient America. Professor You Xiu-ling of Hangzhou (personal communication to Johannessen) has stated that waxy starched maize in China has a significantly distinctive isozyme distribution that is very different from New World maize's isozymes. How far these isozyme patterns extend has not yet been thoroughly explored, but Sachan et al. (1982, 1986a, and 1986b) have found that the multi-eared Sikkim primitive popcorn exhibits a similarly distinct constitutive hetero-chromatic phenomenon to that found in South American maizes. So, some ancient maizes have likely existed in Asia for a long time. It is unclear how the characteristics noted relate to the complex of strange maize traits, including primitive popcorns and sticky starch maize of the Naga Hills and Assam reported by Stoner and Anderson (1949, 355—96).

Anderson and Brown 1953. These peculiar maizes stretch from the Aegean to the Asiatic Pacific, including Nepal, Sikkim, and North Assam. Nearest counterparts are in South America before the Incas. They consider it plausible that this corn was transferred across the Pacific, in whichever direction.

Stonor and Anderson 1949, 387. The Russians, under Vavilov, comprehensively surveyed Oriental (Asian) maize. See Kuleshov 1928. They demonstrated that primitive maize like that in Naga country (of India) was widespread in central Asia from Persia and Turkestan to Tibet and Siberia.

Bretschneider 1882, 57—61. Author of the famous Chinese volume of Materia Medica, Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu, was Li Shi chen (Shizhen), who first published it in 1590; but the information is mainly re. medicines and is chiefly a compilation of traditional materials from classic Chinese texts. He mentions maize among other plants of American origin.

Sarkar et al. 1974, 121. "No clearly established reference to maize is found in the Indian scriptures and epics, nor is the plant known to be associated with any religious or domestic rituals. There is not even an authentic Sanskrit name for the plant. [Of course, these statements have proved inaccurate.] The Sanskrit name, Yaba-nala (Yaba = barley, nala = reed-like), sometimes attributed to maize, is also used for Sorghum (Watt 1892)." The most commonly occurring name, makkai, or makka, which could mean 'from Mecca,' (sic) suggests introduction from outside India. The other common name for maize in Indian languages is bhutta, or bhuta. [See above for information via Watt, citing Monier Williams on the use of three Sanskrit words for maize.] The origin of this word is obscure. The idea that maize might have been present in Asia in pre-Columbian times gained some credence with the discovery of 'waxy' maize in northeastern China as far as Korea and its description by Collins (1909). But no firm evidence is known of pre-Columbian occurrence. The issue of the antiquity of maize in India is reopened by the recent survey of primitive germ plasm as reported by Dhawan 1964 (and others). These characters (discussed) of the Himalayan primitives, together with the emergence of ears from upper joints of the stalks, reduced internode length, and the occurrence of male and female flowers in the same inflorescence, show that these varieties are closer to the progenitor corn plant reconstructed by Mangelsdorf than such American races as Chapalote, etc. These observations on the two Himalayan primitive varieties clearly establish them as distinct entities different from the advanced types as well as the American primitive types. They don't want to speculate," Nevertheless, they open up an entirely new angle on the origin, evolution, and distribution of maize." "It must be admitted that the presence of primitive races in Sikkim, Nepal, Bhutan, or Assam hills is extremely puzzling and cannot be explained on the assumption of introduction and spread of maize in the post-Columbian era." Further research is obviously needed on these primitive forms of maize in south-central Asia and their possible relationships.

Microfauna

Ancylostoma duodenale

Origin: Asia

Summary: Distribution requires explanation of how a parasite in humans could be common to both the pre-Columbian Old World (Asia and the Pacific islands) and the New World (mainly South America). The answer is unequivocal: human carriers of the hookworm had to have carried the worm between the hemispheres by means of voyaging, and at a very early time (at least the 6th millennium BC).

Grade: A

Brief history: This hookworm is present in the digestive tracts of millions of people. Its origin was apparently in Asia, and it was long thought to have been introduced to the New World only by slaves brought from Africa in recent centuries. Early in the 20th century, Fonseca (1970) discovered this parasite in an isolated Amerindian population in the Amazon basin. Shortly afterward, microbiologist Samuel Darling (1920) surmised that the hookworm probably had infested tropical forest natives since before Columbus arrived. If a date before European discovery could be proven, he observed, the only explanation for the parasite's presence in the New World would be that it arrived anciently via infected humans who had crossed the ocean—"storm-tossed fishermen," he ventured.

His reasoning sprang from facts about the life cycle of this worm. In one stage it must inhabit warm, moist soil (in a climate no colder than that of North Carolina today). At a later stage, worms in the soil are ingested into a host human's digestive tract. Settlers who came to the New World in slow stages via the Bering Strait would have arrived hookworm-free, because the cold ambient conditions would have killed the parasite in the soil (Soper 1927; Ferreira et al. 1988).

The hookworm's pre-Columbian presence in the Americas was established by Allison et al. (1973) who found traces of the worm in a Peruvian mummy dated about AD 900. Evidence from other mummies and human coprolites has since confirmed the initial find (Araújo 1988; Reinhard 1992). In 1988, Brazilian scientists identified this parasite from a dig in eastern Brazil. A series of radiocarbon dates fixed the age at about 5300 years BC (given the inland remoteness of the site, the parasite's arrival on a coast of the continent had to have been centuries earlier). Prevalence of the hookworm in East and Southeast Asia makes that area the source from which the organism probably reached the Americas. (Note that a Brazilian anthropologist has characterized one of the earliest Lagoa Santa skulls from his country as having Negroid characteristics, which he speculates arrived from Melanesia as early as 7000 BC via voyagers who came around the north rim of the Pacific; Wallace, in Bishop 1993; Holden 1999b.)

Modern microbiologists continue to assure us that Darling's assessment was correct: there is but one scenario for the hookworm's reaching the Americas—human carriage by sea. Ferreira, Araújo, and Confalonieri (1982) say, "Transpacific migrants from Asia by sea must be one component of the ancient American population." Fonseca (1970) asserts, the "shared species of parasites . . . make it inescapable that voyagers reached South America directly from Oceania or Southeast Asia." Ferreira et al. (1988) agree: "we must suppose that [the parasite carriers] arrived by sea." Araújo (1988) confirms, "The evidence points only to maritime contacts" (emphases added).

Sources: Ancylostoma duodenale—hookworm

Allison et al. 1973. A Tiahuanaco mummy dating ca. AD 900 has A. duodenale remains in the intestine.

Cockburn 1980. Controversy over the pre-Columbian presence or absence of hookworms (A. duodenale) is now settled from a Tiahuanaco mummy. "The parasites were probably carried by the original migrants from Asia, who brought them over the Bering land bridge." [This statement shows that he is unfamiliar with South American parasitology studies.]

Darling 1920. Surveys the distribution of the two genera of hookworms, Ancylostoma and Necator. 221. It is possible that either or both reached the Americas in pre-Columbian times from Asia, Indonesia, or Polynesia via voyagers. Cold on the Bering Strait route would have prevented the continuance of infection, so that migrants would arrive free from hookworm (unless the average temperature at the Strait during migration was equal to that of North Carolina today). 323—3. "If certain tribes in America are found to be infected with A. duodenale as well as Necator this will suggest their having come to this continent by way of the sea from those countries in Asia where A. duodenale and Necator are [both] found to be infecting the natives, i.e., Japan and China."

Ferreira et al 1982. Hookworm eggs are found in pre-European mummified bodies and coprolites. Such eggs develop in one phase of their development in warm soil: thus, not all ancestors of American natives could have crossed by Bering Strait. Transpacific migrants from Asia by sea must be one component of the ancient American population.

Fonseca 1970. A number of shared species of parasites, which are discussed with supporting data, makes inescapable that voyagers reached South America directly from Oceania or Southeast Asia. 305—31. Discusses the question of the distribution of A. duodenale and Necator americanus and what might be inferred from that regarding the date of arrival.

Verano 1991. Coprolites from coastal Peru show intestinal parasites: tapeworm 2700 BC, pinworm approximately 2300 BC, whipworm by 2700 BC, and roundworm. Also, hookworm (Ancylostoma duodenale) from a mummy.

Soper 1927. Distribution suggests that A. duodenale was introduced to South America by ancient migrations from Indonesia or Polynesia. Cold climate in the Arctic would have interrupted the life cycle of the parasitic organism and thus precludes the possibility that the introduction to theAmericas came by way of Bering Strait.

Reinhard 1992. He reprises South American incidence of the human parasites, hookworm (Ancylostomidae) and whipworm (Trichuris trichiura). Since both hookworms and whipworms require warm, moist conditions for the completion of their life cycles, finding human-specific parasites in the Americas is circumstantial evidence for transpacific contact and against a Bering-Strait-only entry of humans to the hemisphere.

Laming-Emperaire 1980. Fonseca has convincingly demonstrated that Ancylostoma duodenale and other parasite-caused diseases were shared between Old World and pre-Columbian South American Indians.

Adauto J.G. de Araújo 1980. Coprolites from four archaeological sites in Minas Gerais were examined for parasites. Ancylostomids are established that date by C14 between 3490 and 430 BP. Incompatibility of this organism with cold climate supports a hypothesis of transoceanic migration.

Manter 1967. Hookworm might have been brought with Jomon (Japan)/Valdivia (Ecuador) voyagers, if the Meggers'/Evans' material is sound.

Stodder and Martin 1992. At least eight species of helminthic parasites appear in coprolites.

Ferreira et al.1988. The same parasites found at Unai, Minas Gerais, Brazil (i.e., Trichuris trichiura and Necator americanus) have now been identified in human coprolites from Boqueirão do Sitio da Pedra Furada in a stratum dated to 7320±80 BP. These parasites could not have reached the Americas via Bering Strait because the larvae, which must enter the soil before being taken up again into a human body, could not exist in Arctic cold. So we must suppose that they arrived by sea.

Confalonieri 1983. Examines closely the entire subject of the limits of cold climate on the transmission of this parasite to the Americas, including Bering Strait, transglacial North Atlantic, and Antarctic routes. Could parasites have been preserved in migrating humans on vessels? Yes. Such voyages alone provide a reasonable means of transmission to the Americas.

Araújo 1988. The evidence points only to maritime contacts. A map displays areas of infestation in the Old World of N. americanus and of A. duodenale. Possible maritime routes across the Pacific and Atlantic oceans are marked on the map.

Crawford 1998, 58. Summarizes the findings of Ferreira and Araujo et al., who assert that South American hookworm infection can only be explained by transpacific contact. Crawford suggests an alternative explanation, that the hookworm could have been a disease of animals since before separation of the New and Old World land masses. [But hookworms parasitic on humans are specific to their hosts. They would not be the same as those in, say, pigs.]

Ascaris lumbricoides

Origin: Old World

Summary: The intestinal parasite could only have crossed the ocean inside a human body. The presence of the parasite in both hemispheres thus required human voyaging.

Grade: A

Sources: Ascaris lumbicoides—roundworm

Cockburn, Barraco, et al. 1998, 79—80. Mummy PUM II, dating to about 170 BC, had in its intestinal tissue an ovum agreed by specialists probably to be Ascaris and some stated definitely that it was A. lumbricoides. That species has already been reported from many Old World locations in antiquity, as, e.g., at Winchester, England.

Kuhnke 1993, 457. Ascariasis, infection of the small intestine caused by Ascaris lumbricoides, the large intestinal roundworm. Pictorial evidence exists for ancient Mesopotamia and in prescriptions in ancient Egypt.

Patterson 1993, 603. This nematode was known to ancient writers in China, India, Mesopotamia, and Europe, and was present in pre-Columbian America.

Verano 1998, 221. One of the parasites previously thought to have been post-Columbian introductions from the Old World, Ascaris lumbricoides, roundworm, in fact plagued pre-Columbian New World populations.

Bordetella pertussis

Origin: As with practically all disease organisms, origin was the Old World.

Summary: The agent of infection had to reside in a human organism during transoceanic travel, and the only rational way for a human to make the crossing is a voyage.

Grade: A

Sources: Bordetella pertussis—the bacterium that causes whooping cough

Chin 2000, 375—6. Humans are believed to be the only host. Transmitted primarily by direct contact with discharges from an infected person probably by airborne droplets.

Stodder and Martin 1992, 62. Pertussis may have been present in the Southwest U.S. before arrival of the Spaniards.

Hare 1967, 119, 122. He classes whooping cough with measles, smallpox, and other "acute infections in which the organisms disappear when recovery or death occurs." 120. "It is highly improbable that any of these organisms would have become established in a scattered community with a Palaeolithic culture (and thus to have crossed to the Americas via Beringia)." [But pertussis was apparently present in the New World. Thus, if the source was not due to a parallel mutation in the New World, a logical near-impossibility, it must have involved transmission from the Old World, and that would probably have been after urban life developed there—i.e., 2500 BC?.]

Van Blerkom 1985, 46—7. There are other Bordetella species that cause respiratory illness in man and other primates, and they are found everywhere in the world.

Antibodies for pertussis bacilli occur in the blood of relatively isolated, unacculturated Brazilian Indians. "If not pertussis, then some close relative of it probably occurred in the New World as well as the Old." Sahagun's Aztec informant knew it (the disease), although this does not prove it pre-Columbian [it virtually proves it]. "Perhaps different strains existed in the two hemispheres . . .." B. is probably an ancient agent which can persist in small populations because of its long period of infectivity (three weeks or more) and its capacity to reinfect . . ..

Borrelia recurrentis

Origin: Old World

Summary: Again, the only answer to how there could be bi-hemispheric occurrence is a transmission by humans accompanied by lice. Those lice were known.

Grade: In the absence of any alternative scenario for the American incidence, A.

Sources: Borrelia recurrentis—the spirochete that causes relapsing fever

Chin 2000, 421—2. Cause of a systemic spirochetal disease. Epidemic, if louse-borne; endemic, if tick-borne. Vector-borne, not transmitted from person to person. Louse-borne infection is acquired by crushing an infective louse, Pediculus humanus, so that it contaminates the bite wound or an abrasion of the skin. In tick-borne disease, people are infected by the bite of an argasid tick, principally Ornithodoros hermsi and O. turicata in the U.S. (or by others of the same genus in Central and South America, Africa, or the Middle East). The actual infectious agent is a spirochete, Borrelia recurrentis. (303. The causative spirochete of North American Lyme disease is another Borrelia, B. Burgdorferi.). 372. The body louse (Pediculosis humanus corporis) is involved in outbreaks of epidemic typhus caused by Rickettsia prowazeki, and epidemic relapsing fever is caused by Borrelia recurrentis.

See also material under Pediculosis humanus corporis.

Alchon 1991, 19—55. 22, 25. Relapsing fever, both the endemic type, transmitted by ticks, and the epidemic type, carried by lice, were present in pre-Spanish coastal Ecuador.

Hare 1967, 118. This spirochete may have first become parasitic in ticks, probably in the eastern Mediterranean. Carried north into Europe, it ultimately underwent mutation into B. recurrentis and became parasitic in lice. We do not know when this happened, but cases closely resembling relapsing fever were described (first) by Hippocrates, ca. 400 BC.

Van Blerkom 1985, 62—65. The zoonotic form has most likely plagued hunter-gatherers since the advent of man. Louse-borne relapsing fever may date to the rise of urban centers. Relapsing fever in the New World may have been present before the Conquest in its zoonotic, or tick-borne, form. [Alchon eliminates the "may have been" in favor of "definitely was"]. Unlike the direction its evolution took in the Old World, the spirochete never adapted itself to reproduction in human lice, so no specifically human form of relapsing fever evolved in the New World, probably due to relative lack of commensal rodents to carry it into urban areas.

Entamoeba hystolytica

Origin: Old World

Summary: The only credible way for the amoeba to reach a New World population in Ecuador or elsewhere, is by a human being who personally brought the organism to the Americas, although, granted, there is the marginal chance that that might have been via Bering Strait.

Grade: B

Sources: Entamoeba hystolytica—the organism that causes amoebic dysentery

Chin 2000, 11—13. Human reservoir. Transmission mainly by ingestion of fecally contaminated food or water.

Stodder and Martin 1992, 62. Amoebic dysentery was probably present before European contact (citing Van Blerkom 1985).

Saunders et al. 1992, 118. Newman (1976) suggests pre-European contact diseases including bacillary and amoebic dysentery.

Alchon 1991, 20. Amebiasis was in coastal Ecuador before the Spaniards arrived.

Newman 1976, 669. Among diseases that were part of man's primate ancestry and that either crossed the Bering Strait cold-screen or were acquired in the Americas: "amoebic dysentery." In re. 'cold-screen,' cf. Innes 1993, 521. Thought on the 'cold screen' is reprised. Given the general scenario of small parties crossing Beringia "the numbers would be far too small to sustain a human-to-human mode of infection. At least one scholar (Klepinger 1987) denies that there is any evidence of the disease being carried over by the Beringia transmigrants."

Van Blerkom 1985, 17. This is problematical. An unidentified Entamoeba cyst was found in a Peruvian mummy dating to about AD 1500 (Pike 1967, 185). This cannot be construed as definitive evidence for the presence of amoebiasis in the New World for several reasons. First, the date of this putative pre-Columbian mummy is uncertain, especially when so close to the date of contact. Secondly, there are many species of Entamoeba which are nonpathogenic, while amoebiasis is caused by the specific strain, E. histolytica. Additionally, it is now known that the amoeba alone is incapable of inducing the disease state, but requires the concomitant presence of a bacterium (citing Schwabe). It is likely that the amoeba but not the bacterium was present in the New World . . .. The absence of the additional agent can be inferred from the much greater severity of the infection in New World monkeys than in Old World monkeys (citing Bourned). 18. ". . . one can reasonably conclude with Ashburn that amoebic dysentery was probably introduced into the Americas from the Old World. . . . and was brought over on the slave ships . . .." Fig. 2, map on p. 19, shows amoebic dysentery reaching Persia from India by 480 BC, thence to Africa. [But regardless of whether the instrumental bacterium was present to trigger the disease, the fact still remains that the amoeba had entered the Americas and there is no question that it was in a human body. How? Either via Bering Strait or by voyaging, and the concept of a cold-screen makes the latter very unlikely.]

Pike 1967, 185. The body of an eight- or nine-year-old Inca child from a tomb in the Andes yielded cysts of the protozoan Entamoeba in the rectum (species unidentifiable). The approximate age of the body was 450 years. [Van Blerkom in citing this find emphasized the date as probably after Spanish influence, but in the light of Alchon's identification of amebiasis in Ecuador before Spanish arrival, there is no reason not to accept the Inca child as pre-Columbian.]

Verano 1998, 221. "Probably present" in a mummy (in Peru).

Flavivirus spp.

Origin: Old World

Summary: The majority of experts say this was not present in the Americas, but a few competent epidemiologists insist otherwise. In deference to the latter we keep the option open that further evidence may be brought forward.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Flavivirus spp.—causal organism for yellow fever

Chin 2000, 553—4. Yellow fever exists in nature in two transmission cycles: a sylvatic, or jungle, cycle that involves mosquitoes and non-human primates; and an urban cycle involving Aedes aegypti mosquitoes and humans. Sylvatic transmission is restricted to tropical regions of Africa and Latin America, where a few hundred cases occur annually, most frequently among young adult males who are occupationally exposed in forested or transitional areas of Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. With the exception of a few cases in Trinidad in 1954, no outbreak of urban yellow fever had been transmitted by Ae. aegypti in the Americas since 1942. Reservoir: in urban areas, humans and Ae. aegypti mosquitoes. In forest areas, vertebrates other than humans, mainly monkeys and possibly marsupials, and forest mosquitoes. Transmission (sylvatic) in forests of South America by the bite of several species of forest mosquitoes of the genus Haemagogus.

Kiple 1992. Arguments for the presence of yellow fever in the Americas have faltered in the face of immunological and entomological evidence. African animals and humans show immunity, but not in the New World. Entomological evidence strongly suggests that the most efficient vector, Aedes aegypti, was not present in the New World. Thus, the strong probability is that both virus and vector had to be imported. A warm climate and closely-packed humans are required for yellow fever to have effect. It is supposed that huge numbers of Aedes aegypti arrived in the West Indies in the holds of early slave ships, but not until 1647 was the critical mass of humans and mosquitoes reached and Barbados saw yellow fever succeed in getting its first beachhead.

Guerra 1966, 330—2. The two most important aboriginal Aztec disease entities were matlazahuatl and cocolitztli. Caused major epidemics. Translation of the terms remains unclear. His analysis of the symptoms indicates that the former was exanthematic typhus, with a faint possibility that it was typhoid fever. Cocolitztli was a more generic term which some feel might have been yellow fever.

Denevan 1976, 5. Yellow fever has generally been believed introduced from the Old World after Columbus, but the reservoir of yellow fever among South and Central American monkeys and historical evidence suggest otherwise.

Villacorta Cifuentes 1976. Yellow fever quite certainly was present in the reservoir provided by monkeys, and there is evidence that periodically, under certain ecological conditions, it had severe effects on humans.

Bustamente 1958. A physician argues at length for the presence of yellow fever in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica.

Van Blerkom 1985, 103. Since the vectors of yellow fever require tropical conditions for growth, the infection could not have been carried into the New World across the Bering Strait. Several considerations strongly suggest that it was not indigenous to the monkeys of the New World either. Yellow fever never got out of West Africa into East Africa and Asia, for inobvious reasons.

Giardia lamblia

Origin: Old World

Summary: Supposing Alchon's evidence indicates not only the genus Giardia, but the species lamblia, the question should be asked, how did this organism reach theAmericas? By humans traveling across the ocean is a plausible answer.

Grade: C

Sources: Giardia lamblia—a protozoan that infects principally the upper small intestine

Chin 2000, 220—1. Reservoir: humans and possibly certain wild and domestic animals. Associated with drinking water from unfiltered surface water sources. Person-to-person transmission occurs by hand to mouth transfer involving feces of an infected individual.

Alchon 1991, 20. Giardias were a source of infection (giardiasis) in pre-Columbian times in coastal Ecuador.

Pike 1967, 185. Two coprolites of human origin from a cave near the Dead Sea in a layer about 1800 years old contained cysts of Giardia lamblia. [Witenberg 1961, 86.]

Reinhard 1988, 356. Small band populations and limited contact between bands would have lowered parasite diversity within each band. Only parasites with long periods of infectiveness can survive in small populations. [These considerations fit with the cold-screen hypothesis to make it very unlikely that helminths and protozoa too arrived via Beringia.]

Human (alpha) herpes virus 3

Origin: Old World

Summary: It could be that American natives received this organism from Brazilian monkeys, but in the absence of any evidence that that was so, it is a much simpler explanation to see infected Asians coming by sea than to explain its presence in any other way.

Grade: B

Sources: Human (alpha) herpes virus 3 (Herpes zoster) (varicella-zoster virus VZV) the cause of chicken pox, shingles, etc.

Chin 2000, 91—3. Chicken pox (varicella) an acute, generalized viral disease. Herpes zoster, or shingles, is a local manifestation of latent varicella infection. The infectious agent is human (alpha) herpes virus 3 (varicella-zoster virus VZV, a member of the herpes virus group). Reservoir: humans. Transmission: from person to person by direct contact or droplet or airborne spread of fluids from an infected person.

350—1. Human (gamma) herpes virus 4, the Epstein-Barr virus, is closely related to other herpes viruses morphologically, but distinct serologically. Involved in infectious mononucleosis.

Stodder and Martin, 1992. Herpes was present in the Southwest U.S. before the Spaniards arrived.

Alchon 1991, 23. A family of herpes viruses, including herpes simplex (cold sores), varicella (chicken pox and shingles), and cytomegalovirus (a mononucleosis-like illness), can remain latent within the human body for years after the initial attack. By remaining dormant for long periods and allowing their hosts a chance to recover, herpes viruses bypass the need for a constant supply of new victims or for intermediate reservoirs. These viruses were endemic in the pre-Spanish coastal Ecuadorean population. They leave no evidence on skeletons but have been found in isolated populations of Amazonian natives.

Hare 1967,120. "It is highly improbable that any of this class of organisms would have become established in a scattered community with a Palaeolithic culture. And, certainly, none of them were present in the Americas [sic]." 121. Nothing whatever is known about the early history of chicken pox. [Nevertheless] there is no doubt about its [relative] antiquity [in the Old World]. It was known by the 1st century AD.

Van Blerkom 1985. 27—28. Causes varicella and shingles, Epstein-Barr virus, and cytomegalovirus. Varicella ('chicken pox') is endemic in Brazilian tribes as well (29) as in other primates. Herpes zoster, like the other herpes viruses, is therefore [sic] an ancient primate virus.

Human (gamma) herpes virus 4

Origin: Old World

Summary: See the summary for the preceding entry.

Grade: B

Sources: Human (gamma) herpes virus 4 (syn., Epstein-Barr virus; syn., cytomegalovirus) source of infectious mononucleosis

Chin 2000, 91—3. Epstein-Barr virus, human (gamma) herpes virus 4, is closely related to other herpes viruses morphologically, but distinct serologically. Involved in infectious mononucleosis, etc.

Alchon 1991, 19—55. 23. A family of herpes viruses, including herpes simplex (cold sores), varicella (= zoster, cause of chicken pox and shingles), and cytomegalovirus (a mononucleosis-like illness), can remain latent within the human body for years after the initial attack. By remaining dormant for long periods and allowing their hosts a chance to recover, herpes viruses bypass the need for a constant supply of new victims or for intermediate reservoirs. These were endemic in the pre-Spanish coastal-Ecuadorean population.

Van Blerkom 1985, 29. Widely endemic, and a related virus is found in chimpanzees and Old World monkeys, so [?cf. Hare 1967, 119—20, under Influenza] the natural history of Epstein-Barr virus is similar to that of the other herpes viruses.

See also the material under Human (alpha) herpes virus 3.

Influenza viruses

Origin: Old World

Summary: Passage to the Americas by sea migrants is a plausible mechanism to explain its presence here, but with so little evidence we cannot tell. More study is needed.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Influenza viruses

Chin 2000, 270—1. Three types of influenza viruses are recognized: A, B, and C. Humans are the primary reservoir, although swine and birds are also in play. Transmission is mainly airborne, or by direct contact.

Newman 1976, 667—72. 669. Native American diseases included viral influenza and pneumonia.

Hare 1967, 119—20. This disease fits with other acute infectious diseases that were relatively late developing in history (i.e., in urban times) and which would quite surely not have been maintained in a Palaeolithic population and thus have crossed the Bering Strait.

Van Blerkom 1985, 30—31. Influenza was described in the writings of Hippocrates. The earliest record in the New World was not until 1647, so it could have been brought over after European contact. Brazilian Indians do not show antibodies to influenza type A but possibly some show antibodies for type B. She thinks it is unlikely that influenza was in the Americas before Columbus.

Leishmania sp.

Origin: Presumably Old World

Summary: The possibility of voyagers from Asia introducing this organism must be recognized. However, much more needs to be known about distribution in both hemispheres before any judgment could be made.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Leishmania

Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Tenth Edition, s.v. leishmania. Any of a genus (Leishmania) of flagellate protozoans that are parasitic in the tissues of vertebrates.

Weiss 1984, 29. The endemicity in distant populations of specific infections which require contact persons or co-dwellers for their spread illustrate past (historical) contacts. The problem is a real puzzler since it treats of specific infectious agents transmitted, for example, by the same winged agent, although this is of short flight (capability) as in the case of Leishmaniasis, with its vector of the genus Phlebotomus. The Leishmaniasis-Phlebotomus Complex is mysteriously repeated even in some cases with the same species in Peru, on both sides of the Andean Cordillera, the Amazonian selva, in regions of Brazil, Colombia, Central America, Mexico, the other side of the European Mediterranean, and in distant places in Asia and Africa. He adds (33), "The autochthonous [i.e., ancient] character of American skin Leishmaniasis is demonstrated by ceramic human effigy figures and by carious lesions in the bones of the nose, manifest in skulls of the region of Peru where the disease is endemic."

Microsporum sp.

Origin: Asia

Summary: Fonseca demonstrated beyond question that both Microsporum and Trychophyton organisms were present in aboriginal South America. There is no explanation for the diseases they produced except that they were brought by sea-borne peoples. (Tlrychophyton organism is listed separately below. It remains possible that the other infectious agents mentioned by Chin in this class—Epidermophyton floccosum, Scytalidium dimidiatum, and S. hyalinum—might also be identified by further research.)

Grade: A

Sources: Microsporum spp.—infectious fungi causing ringworm of the body.

Chin 2000, 147—53. Species differ depending on the area infested (head, beard, groin, body, foot (i.e., athlete's foot), or nails. Transmission is skin-to-skin or indirect contact through shared objects. Reservoir: humans for the most common forms of the disease, tinea corporis (ringworm of the body), or tinea cruris (ringworm of the groin and perianal region). A fungal disease of the skin other than of the scalp, bearded areas, and feet, that characteristically appears as flat, spreading, ring-shaped lesions. Infectious agents: most species of Microsporum and Trichopohyton; also Epidermophyton floccosum. Scytalidium dimidiatum and S. hyalinum cause 'dry type' tinea corporis in tropical areas.

Fonseca 1970, 147ff. The disease that he called tinha (or tinea) imbricada is the same as earlier literature called toquelau, or tokelau (in Oceania), and chimb∞r∞ (in Brazil). 148. The area of distribution is detailed: most of Polynesia, Micronesia, Melanesia, and Malaysia, as well as in the indigenous population of Formosa, and in Indochina, and, with less frequency, south China, Burma, Ceylon, and the south of India. Brazilian authors continue to maintain that the earliest focus of this disease was the Malay Archipelago and elsewhere in Southeast Asia. It is endemic among tribal Formosans, as the author found by field research in Formosa in 1927. It prevailed among the natives, being there before the Chinese or Japanese dominated that island or other areas of Southeast Asia. 216—7. Presents a systematic argument on ten points supporting the proposition that the introduction of this parasite was by infected immigrants from outside the area [anciently]. Investigators have also found cases of this disease in central Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. 40—41. Ringworm is totally absent among indigenes of the north of America, Alaska, or Canada. Early Mexican sources (e.g., Las Casas) do not mention it. Similarly, the chroniclers on Peru fail to make any mention of it. But Brazil, yes, from earliest colonial times. 44—45. None in Africa. 195—196. Discusses the earliest discovery of chimb∞r∞, by him, in the Mato Grosso in 1924. Goes on to justify the assumption that the bearers of the disease were virtually isolated and untouched by European influence. 216. It is impossible that this disease was introduced from Europe after Columbus, because it did not occur in Europe.

Laming-Emperaire 1980. She accepts that Fonseca has convincingly demonstrated that tinea imbricata (ringworm), among other parasite-caused diseases, was shared between the Old World and pre-Columbian South America.

Mycobacterium leprae

Origin: Old World

Summary: The evidence adduced for American incidence is very weak. In the future further data might come to light, so we do not abandon the possibility.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Mycobacterium leprae—cause of leprosy

Van Blerkom 1985, 32—37. An isolated report of pre-Columbian Mexican skeletal evidence exists (Goff 1967, 291), but the evidence is equivocal, for other conditions can produce similar changes.

Van Blerkom cont'd. "Sahagun's Aztec informants described a condition similar to leprosy which they called 'disease of the gods,' but this could have been any disfiguring skin disease (Ashburn 1947, 233—4)." Mycobacteria similar to Hansen's bacillus have been found in Bolivian frogs and wild armadillos of Louisiana and Texas. 37. "One cannot dismiss the possibility that leprosy, like tuberculosis, is an ancient disease which has become localized because of the more successful spread of TB," a related infection. Since it depends on humidity, heat, and crowding, it is not a good candidate to have come across the Bering Strait, although we cannot be sure.

Goff 1967, 281, 291. A skull is illustrated and discussed showing what may be leprosy, from Mexico (probably pre-Columbian).

Sandison and Tapp 1998, 42. A case of leprosy in a Coptic Christian (6th century) body discovered by Elliot Smith and Derry in 1910 in Nubia is unquestioned. This has been confirmed macroscopically (1960) and radiologically (1967). There is no direct evidence in the pharaonic period for leprosy, and evidence for it in the medical papyri is tenuous.

Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex

Origin: Old World

Summary: Tuberculosis has been established as present in the Americas anciently, but no credible theory for its origin within the hemisphere has been presented. Sea migrants, now known to be a population source, would provide a satisfactory explanation.

Grade: A minus

Sources: Mycobacterium tuberculosis—the tuberculosis bacterium

Chin 2000, 523—4. This complex includes M. tuberculosis and M. africanum, primarily from humans, and M. bovis, primarily from cattle. Other mycobacteria occasionally produce disease clinically indistinguishable from tuberculosis. Transmission is by exposure to tubercle bacilli in airborne droplet nuclei produced by people with pulmonary or laryngeal TB by coughing or sneezing. Extra-pulmonary TB (other than laryngeal) is generally not communicable.

Alchon 1991, 19—55, 23—4. Archaeological evidence indicates that acute respiratory infections were the most frequent cause of death among pre-Columbian Andean residents, just as today. Paleo-pathologists have discovered "incontrovertible evidence" from mummies dating from the 8th century demonstrating the presence of tuberculosis in South America, both pulmonary and blood-borne (miliary) tuberculosis.

Allison, Gerszten, et al. 1981. Reports on eleven Peruvian and Chilean mummies that evidence TB and range in radiocarbon dates from 800 BC to AD 1600, with five earlier than AD 300.

Karasch 1993, 537. In a study of 11 mummies from Chile and Peru, two dating from AD 290 had "cavitary pulmonary lesions from the walls of which acid-fast bacilli were recovered." According to William Sharpe, two of these mummies have "diagnoses of tuberculosis about as solidly established as paleo-pathologic techniques will permit" (Sharpe, William D. 1983. Essay-Review. Trans. and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, Ser. 5: 278—81).

Buikstra 1981, 13. "In the absence of appropriately-timed migrations from the Old World, we must develop and defend a reasonable model for the origin of this disease in the absence of [animal reservoirs in the form of] domestic herd animals such as cattle."

Powell, 1992. The earliest documented cases of tuberculosis are from Chile (160 BC). North American cases postdate AD 850 (Ontario, and Georgia through Arkansas to the Southwest).

Clark, Kelley, et al. 1987. 46. In order to explain the high susceptibility of Amerindian populations to many Eurasian diseases, Black (1960; see also Stewart 1960) postulates that the migrations over the Beringian and Panamanian land bridges were so rigorous that all individuals with latent infection developed overt disease and died. Accordingly, many endemic diseases including tuberculosis, found in extinct [see below Hare, who makes clear there is insufficient evidence to attribute TB to any people in the world as early as those usually supposed to have crossed the Bering Strait] and extant Eurasian populations were screened out and prevented from reaching the prehistoric Americas.

Comment on Clark et al. by Linda L. Klepinger, 52—53. "Current paleo-pathological evidence would suggest that the mycobacteria responsible for the New World disease were not carried over by the Beringia transmigrants but more likely arose de novo in the Western Hemisphere. Evidence for the disease appears relatively later in North America compared to the Peruvian cases and is associated with the denser populations which arose with intensive maize agriculture. Also, temporal estimates for the arrival of the Asian immigrant (citations) place all three migrations earlier than the domestication of cattle in the Old World and earlier than any evidence of human-to-human-transmitted tuberculosis."

Comment on Clark et al. by Nancy C. Lovell, 53. "But where did that organism come from? They say that there are many theories for the origin of M. tuberculosis but give us only two—both of which are based on origination from the bovid infection. Why do they choose these theories? While the presence of an acid-fast bacillus in pre-Columbian South America has been demonstrated [citing Allison], this bacillus could not have derived from an infection of cattle. Cattle are not indigenous to that area. Prehistoric groups hunted camelids and deer, not bovids. We are left to conclude that (1) the acid-fast bacillus is not M. tuberculosis, (2) M. tuberculosis did not originate from the bovid infection, or (3) while M. tuberculosis may have derived from M. bovis in the Old World it has some other origin in the New." [But she raises no possibility of voyaging as a means of introducing M. tuberculosis into the New World.]

Hare 1967, 117. M. tuberculosis has never been isolated from wild animals, nor has it ever become established as a human parasite. But it has infected dairy herds since before the Christian era. Because Palaeolithic societies did not domesticate cattle, it is improbable that this organism caused infection at that time, but it may well have done so in Neolithic and more recent societies. Actually, very little is known about the antiquity of this disease.

125—6. The earliest sure evidence for pulmonary tuberculosis in the Old World is late in the 2nd millennium BC—India, China, and Egypt. Bones with lesions suggestive of tuberculosis may go back as early as 3700 BC, but that may be deceptive. It was never found in the thousands of mummies from Egypt and Nubia examined by Dawson, Smith, et al. 127. Repeats dependence on the bovine source theory.

Verano 1998, 217—9. Since Allison's pioneering study, many additional cases of probable TB have been identified from skeletal and mummified remains from Peru and Chile. Recent developments in DNA recovery and amplification by polymerase chain reaction have resulted in a major advance. Salo et al (1994) recently reported the successful extraction of DNA characteristic of M. tuberculosis from a Peruvian mummy. Other documentation is given.

Necator americanus

Origin: Old World

Summary: The only credible explanation for the presence of this hookworm in the Americas is arrival by boat of immigrants to (South) America.

Grade: A

Sources: Necator americanus—hookworm

Darling 1920. Surveys distribution of the two genera of hookworms, Ancylostoma spp. and Necator americanus. 221. It is possible that either or both were in the Americas in pre-Columbian times from Asia, Indonesia, or Polynesia by voyagers. Cold on the Bering Strait route would have prevented the continuance of infection, so that migrants would arrive free from hookworm. 223—3. "If certain tribes in America are found to be infected with A. duodenale as well as Necator, this will suggest their having come to this continent by way of the sea from those countries in Asia where A. duodenale and Necator are [both] found to be infecting the natives, i.e., Japan and China."

Ferreira, Araújo, and Confalonieri 1988, 65—7. Human coprolites found in a cave site in Minas Gerais state, Brazil, date between 3490 and 430 BP. Eggs of two types of ancylostomids were identified (one of which is Necator).

Reinhard 1992. Includes a treatment headed "Transpacific Contact?" on page 241. He reprises South American incidence of the hookworm parasites (Ancylostomidae), whipworm (Trichuris trichiura), and Necator americanus.

Onchocerca volvulus

Origin: Old World

Summary: Weiss states that Onchocerca volvulus might have been present in theAmericas based on distribution study. Further work is needed.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Onchocerca volvulus—a filarial worm (nematode) causing onchocerciasis

Chin 2000, 363—4. The female worm discharges microfilariae that migrate through the skin. Pigment changes produce the condition known as 'leopard skin.' Upon reaching the eye, they may cause blindness. Found in Guatemala and southern Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and parts of Brazil, as well as in subsaharan Africa and Yemen. Transmitted only by the bite of infected female black flies of the genus Simulium (different species are involved in Central America, South America, and Africa; there are several species in Africa). Reservoir: humans.

Hoeppli 1969. "Some of the infections introduced by Africans already occurred in the New World in pre-Columbian time." Onchocerciasis is one.

Weiss 1984, 32. Some historians of medicine believe that onchocercosis was not brought by slaves from Africa, the common belief, but was autocthonous in the Americas. Its extensive diffusion in this continent supports this possibility for, besides Mexico, Guatemala, and Venezuela, it has been found in Peru, in the high forest Amazonian area (Chanchamayho).

Pediculus humanus capitis and P. humanus corporis

Origin: Old World

Summary: These lice were definitely present in both hemispheres. Only one explanation will serve: ocean voyaging that brought humans infested with the pests. The patent similarity in the name of the louse between the Solomon Islands and the Maya is more than suggestive.

Grade: A

Sources: P. humanus capitis and P. humanus corporis—lice

Chin 2000, 372—3. Lice are host specific; those of lower animals do not infest people. The body louse is the species involved in outbreaks of epidemic typhus caused by Rickettsia prowazekii and epidemic relapsing fever caused by Borrelia recurrentis. Transmission is by direct contact with infested persons or objects used by them. They can survive for only a week without a food source.

Fonseca 1970. Following a long treatment of issues of taxonomy of pediculi on 145—147, he discusses particularly matters pertaining to Old and New World distribution of Pediculus pseudohumanus. "A form of louse found solely in indigenes of America and of Oceania and in American macaques." Quotes Ferris (1951, 275) [Fonseca promises a bibliography at a later time but failed to present one, as far as we know, so we presume that Ferris (1935) is what he intended] thus: "Here we have a most extraordinary situation. The form which Ewing [the first to report this louse] described exists, without question, but its distribution is extremely peculiar. Ferris (1935) mentioned the presence in his material of specimens from Central American Indians and from natives in the Marquesas Islands in the South Pacific, which show a slight lateral lobing of certain of the paratergal plates. This is the form that Ewing ascribes to his pseudohumanus, and the illustration here given based upon a specimen from the Marquesas Islands almost duplicates that given by him. It may be noted that those from the South Pacific all have a noticeably larger number of setae on the dorsum of the abdomen than do those from the New World." The material of Pediculus pseudohumanus that Ferris had available and which serves this author for identification, comes from the Marquesas and from some natives of Tahiti. On the other hand they [now] come from a household of Indians in Santa Emilia, Guatemala, and a mummified head from Ecuador. Examples also come from the head of a mummy of a Maya Indian of Xinchel, Yucatan, plus other natives of Guayabelete, Panama. In his monumental monograph, Ferris (1951, 275) notes the puzzle this poses: "Here is a form that is supposed to occur both on New World monkeys and upon man. More than that, it occurs not only upon man in the region where these monkeys occur naturally, but what is apparently the same form occurs on man in the far distant South Sea Islands."

Sandison 1967, 178—83. Lice are known from pre-Columbian Mexico and Peru as well as the Mediterranean through China.

Karasch 1993, 538. Some parasite remains have been recovered in autopsies on mummies from Chile and Peru. An examination of the body of a young boy revealed those for head lice. According to chroniclers, the poor in the Inca Empire had to "pay tribute in the form of small containers of lice." Not surprisingly, typhus was "a very common disease in ancient Peru."

Alchon 1991, 22. One can build a strong case for the existence of both endemic (flea-borne) and epidemic (louse-borne) typhus in the New World, based on lice on Peruvian and Chilean mummies. (Cf. Roys 1931. 341. Mayan: "Uk. The louse found on man and quadrupeds." Motul dictionary.

Schuhmacher et al. 1992, 18. Ethnically-Papuan Austronesian Buma tribe, on Vanikoro, eastern Solomon Islands, uka (last vowel is a schwa) = louse. Austronesian Ontong Java (western Solomons), uku = louse. Maya (southern Mexico), uk = louse.

Zinsser 1960, 254—61. Was typhus in humans in the Americas before the Spaniards? Perhaps. Mooser found Tarascan and Aztec words relating to the disease. Much historical evidence involving lice found on mummies suggests typhus was present in South America.

Hoeppli 1969. "Some of the infections introduced by Africans already occurred in the New World in pre-Columbian time." "Lice" were present.

Van Blerkom 1985, 4. "The lice found on pre-Columbian American mummies are of the same species (with only slight differences, on the order of a subspecies) as those on Old World humans (El-Najjar and Mulinski 1980,111; Zinsser 1964, 176—7)."

Piedreaia hortai

Origin: Old World

Summary: Fonseca's evidence is straightforward. This organism causes the same growth in the hair of occupants of Asia and Africa and of the Amazon Basin.

Grade: A

Sources: Piedreaia hortai—the fungus that causes piedra (negra), a disease of the hair

Chin 2000, 147—8. Under the discussion of Tinea capitis, or ringworm of the scalp, he observes that T. capitis is "easily distinguished from piedra, a fungus infection of the hair occurring in South America and some countries of Southeast Asia and Africa. Piedra is characterized by black, hard 'gritty' nodules on hair shafts, caused by Piedraia hortai . . .."

Fonseca 1970, 262. This fungal disease, commonly called piedra negra but which he wants to call piedra ascospórica, is especially characteristic of inner South America, although found very rarely in North America. He cites such limited literature as exists. 264. "Separated from South America by the two great ocean barriers," this disease is in both hemispheres; [for] it is also in Southeast Asia—Thailand, Vietnam, Burma, Malaya, Indonesia. "In all these regions of Oceania and of Southeast Asia, piedra ascospórica presents exactly the same clinical, epidemiological, and parasitological characteristics with which it appears on the American continent." 270—2. Gives names for the disease in Guaraní and Tupí languages (lowland South America). In previous works, he has concluded, and has justified the conclusion, that this disease was introduced to the Americas by pre-Columbian migrations by natives of Oceania. Argues anew why that must be so. It is missing in those parts of northern Asia and in North America which could have been involved in transmission by any migration across the Bering Strait that might have brought this disease. None of the disease existed in Europe or Africa. Because it was widely distributed in South America, among many language groups, it must have arrived long ago.

Laming-Emperaire 1980. Fonseca has demonstrated that the disease pierre noire [what Fonseca calls piedra negra, or piedra ascospórica], as well as other parasite-caused diseases, were shared between Old World and pre-Columbian South American Indians.

Plasmodium falciparum

Origin: Old World

Summary: The evidence is in dispute whether malaria occurred in America, but what is true is that a significant number of researchers who have investigated the matter think it was.

Grade: C

Sources: Plasmodium falciparum—the sporozoan parasite which causes malaria

Chin 2000, 310—12. There are four human malarias which can present sufficiently similar symptoms to make species differentiation generally impossible without lab studies. The most serious malarial infection is falciparum malaria. The others (vivax, malariae, and ovale) are generally not life-threatening. Humans are the only important reservoir of human malaria. Nonhuman primates are naturally infected by many (other) malarial species, which can infect humans experimentally, but natural transmission to humans is rare. Transmission is by the bite of an infective female Anopheles mosquito.

Bruce-Chwatt 1965. Argues from physical remains, epidemiology of living native groups, names of disease and use of cinchona bark, plus ethno-historical/chronicle sources that malaria was present in pre-Columbian times. A personal communication to the author from Fonseca says the latter believes that several diseases were imported to the Americas from Polynesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia, and that malaria might have been included. Bruce-Chwatt is confident that malaria was present. Today, the judgment regarding its presence in pre-Columbian America should not be "improbable though not impossible" (so Jarcho 1964) but "probable but not proved."

Cabieses 1979, 539. Malaria may have been indigenous and hence may have been the reason ancient Peruvians built their houses far from the rivers; it also might have been one of the 'fevers' that attacked the Inca armies as they invaded the Upper Amazon.

Hoeppli 1959. Emphatic that malaria was pre-Columbian in the New World.

Jaramillo-Arango 1950. Includes a "critical review of the basic facts in the history of cinchona." Malaria was known among American Indians from earliest times and cinchona was familiar to them as a remedy.

Sandison 1967, 182. "Probably malaria also occurred in pre-Columbian America."

Villacorta Cifuentes 1976. The preponderance of evidence is against Malaria being present; however, the fact that the Peruvians knew of the value of quinine as an agent against it in colonial times leaves a question.

Goldstein 1969. Ackerknecht, Bruce-Chwatt, and Sandison say that malaria probably occurred in the Americas before Columbus, although malaria probably originated in the Old World. Goldstein tends to agree with them.

Alchon 1991, 63. By 1630, when malaria had become a serious problem in Quito, the Spaniards had recognized the value of cinchona bark, the remedy for malaria. [Whether that remedy had been used earlier (by natives) is somewhat uncertain.]

Van Blerkom 1985, 37—42. "Malaria has been widespread in the Old World since most ancient times." Many species of simian plasmodia exist, which can be transmitted to man. Angel suggested the human infection may have been present at Çatal Huyuk in Anatolia by 6000 BC. It is also manifest in the oldest Egyptian mummies. 40. However, malaria in humans was probably not in the Americas in pre-Columbian times. Furthermore, the New World simian malaria is severe, not a condition to be expected in a long-present disease. Some think it was present, including Bruce-Chwatt (1965) and T.D. Stewart (1973, 38—40).

Millet et al. 1998, 192. A 3200-year-old Egyptian mummy had had malaria at one point in his life as shown by a test for a protein antigen of P. falciparum.

Sandison and Tapp, 1998. Millet and his colleagues (1994) recently detected an antigen produced by Plasmodium falciparum in mummies from all the periods they tested, indicating the presence of malaria.

Dunn 1993, 860. Malaria could have reached the New World before 1492 only as an infection of migrants from northeast Asia or by pre-Columbian sea-borne introductions. The possibility that humans brought malaria overland into North America from Siberia can almost certainly be discounted. . .. Similarly, any voyagers landing on American shores from the central or eastern Pacific could not have carried the parasites with them because islands in that region are free of anopheline vectors and thus of locally transmitted malaria. Voyagers reaching the American coasts from eastern Asia (e.g., fishermen adrift from Japan) could conceivably have introduced malaria, but this possibility too is remote. Moreover, colonial records indicate that malaria was almost certainly unknown to the indigenous peoples. Also, absence of any blood genetic polymorphisms associated with malaria elsewhere in the world is evidence consistent with American absence.

Rickettsia prowazekii

Origin: Old World

Summary: Fairly clearly, epidemic typhus, and of course the human body louse, manifested itself in America. No other explanation other than the arrival of voyagers from across the Pacific is plausible.

Grade: A

Sources: Rickettsia prowazekii—agent of louse-borne typhus (epidemic Typhus)

Chin 2000, 372, 541—542. The body louse (Pediculus humanus corporis) is infected by feeding on the blood of a patient with acute typhus fever. People are infected by rubbing louse feces or crushed lice into the bite or into superficial abrasions. Humans are the reservoir during inter-epidemic periods. 372. The body-louse (Pediculosis humanus corporis) is involved in outbreaks of epidemic typhus caused by Rickettsia prowazeki and epidemic relapsing fever caused by Borrelia recurrentis.

Alchon 1991, 22. Disease before 1534. One can also build a strong case for the existence of both endemic (flea-borne) and epidemic (louse-borne) typhus in the New World, based on lice on mummies. Examinations of mummified human remains have revealed that head and body lice commonly infested native populations. Most native households included several guinea pigs in the family's living quarters; these animals can be reservoirs for the typhus rickettsiae. Infected fleas can easily jump from rodent to human, transmitting the endemic form of the disease. There are pre-Conquest traditions of epidemics occurring during periods of social turmoil—wars, famines, and natural disasters—supporting the assertion that typhus existed in the Americas before the 16th century. Guaman Poma described two epidemics long before the Spanish Conquest of Peru.

Cabieses 1979. Typhus was common in pre-Columbian Peru.

Guerra 1966, 330—2. The two most important aboriginal Aztec disease entities were matlazahuatl and cocolitztli. They caused major epidemics. Translation of the terms remains unclear. His analysis of the symptoms indicates that the former was exanthematic typhus, with a faint possibility that it was typhoid fever.

Ackerknecht 1965, 32—43. Petechial typhus (spotted fever) is at least as old as AD 1083 in Mexico, according to Aztec traditions. 53. The epidemic of 1454 on the plateau of Mexico was in all probability typhus, not the yellow fever claimed by some.

Goldstein 1969. Ackerknecht, Bruce-Chwatt, and Sandison say typhus probably occurred in the Americas before Columbus, and Goldstein appears to agree.

Villacorta Cifuentes 1976. Exanthematic typhus was present anciently.

Fonseca 1970, 332—6. Nicolle (1932) drew attention to the distribution of typhus that supports the idea that pre-Columbian migrations reached the mericas from Oceania. 335. Cites a large literature (Mooser, Gay, Miranda, Gaitán, Nicolle) representing what Fonseca refers to as "most authors" who have written on this point and who have considered that exanthematic typhus existed in pre-Columbian America. Furthermore, several wild rodents in the Americas (Sigmodon hispidus, Microtus mexicanus, Geomys virginianus, Neotoma fuscipes) have been shown to be capable of acquiring typhus murin infection experimentally, which supports the idea that they could have constituted a reservoir.

Hare 1967, 118. This is probably a mutant of R. mooseri that ceased to infect the rat flea and became a parasite of the human body louse, citing Zinsser. This probably occurred in the 16th century. The first outbreaks [known in European medical history] were in Italy [only] in 1505. Epidemic typhus is therefore a comparatively modern disease and could not have come across Bering Strait.

Rickettsia rickettsii

Origin: Old World

Summary: Though disputed by many, there is significant evidence for the presence of spotted fever(s). How and when it reached the Americas is unclear. By infected persons on ancient transoceanic vessels is the most plausible scenario.

Grade: B

Sources: Rickettsia rickettsii—infectious agent for various spotted fevers

Chin 2000, 372. Rickettsioses are a group of clinically similar diseases caused by closely related rickettsiae [Rocky Mountain spotted fever is the only American version discussed]. They are transmitted by ixodid (hard) ticks, the tick species differing markedly by geographic area. 430—1. Rocky Mountain spotted fever is the prototype disease of the spotted fever group rickettsiae. Reservoir: maintained in nature in ticks. Both the Rocky Mountain wood tick, Dermacentor andersoni, in the eastern and southern U.S., the American dog tick, Dermacentor variabilitis, and in Latin America, A. cajennense, are the principal vectors.

Woodbury 1965, 31—32. Maintained by ticks in relation to their hosts, principally rabbits and rodents. Humans are incidental victims. It is a very severe disease.

Saunders et al. 1992, 118. Newman (1985) considered that pre-European contact diseases included rickettsial and viral fevers. (Saunders seems to acquiesce.)

Newman 1976, 669. Rickettsial and viral fevers were present in pre-Columbian America.

Ackerknecht 1965. He considered that petechial typhus (spotted fever) was at least as old as AD 1083 in Mexico, as he reads the Aztec traditions.

See also Alchon under R. prowazekii below.

Rickettsia typhi

Origin: Old World

Summary: See summary for the previous item.

Grade: A

Sources: Rickettsia typhi (ex. Rickettsia mooseri)—agent for Typhus murine (i.e., endemic typhus)

Chin 2000, 544—5. Murine typhus is like louse-borne typhus but milder. Found where humans and rats cohabit. Rats, mice, and other small mammals form the reservoir. Infective rat fleas (usually Xenopsylla cheopis) defecate rickettsiae while sucking blood, which contaminates the bite site and other skin wounds. Once infected, fleas remain so for up to their one year of life.

Laming-Emperaire 1980. Fonseca has convincingly demonstrated that typhus murine, among other parasite-caused diseases, was shared between Old World and pre-Columbian South American Indians.

Nicolle 1932. The typhus of Mexico and Guatemala was murine typhus, the same as in New Zealand, Australia, and Southeast Asia. Typhus murine might have come via the Vikings, but that is not very logical. He supposes that it reached the Americas via rats on Polynesian vessels.

Fonseca 1970, 333—6. Murine typhus was at first assigned primarily to two distinct geographic areas: certain regions of the Americas (Mexico, Guatemala, southern U.S.); the other area was the Far East and Pacific (India, Malaysia, China, Manchuria, Formosa, Australia, New Guinea, New Zealand, and Hawaii.)

Alchon 1991, 22. Diseases before 1534. One can build a strong case for the existence of both endemic (flea-borne) and epidemic (louse-borne) typhus in the New World, based on lice on mummies. Examinations of mummified human remains have revealed that head and body lice commonly infested native populations. Most native households included several guinea pigs in the family's living quarters; these animals can be reservoirs for the typhus rickettsiae. Infected fleas can easily jump from rodent to human, transmitting the endemic form of the disease. Pre-Conquest traditions of epidemics occurring during periods of social turmoil—wars, famines, and natural disasters—support the assertion that typhus existed in the Americas before the 16th century. Chronicler Guaman Poma described two epidemics long before the Spanish Conquest.

Newman 1976, 669. Among diseases that were part of man's primate ancestry and that either crossed the Bering Strait cold-screen or "were acquired" in the Americas: "various rickettsial fevers such as Verruca and Carrion's disease, insect-borne and altitude localized." "This list could well include typhus on the grounds that the Aztecs had a name, Matlazahuatl, for the disease, and depicted it in conventionalized pictures of Indians with spots and nosebleeds, and the generally subclinical nature of the disease in the South Peruvian Sierra" (citing Ashburn).

Hare 1967, 118. Rickettsia mooseri may be the oldest of the typhus group. Principal host is the rat flea, and Baker (1943) suggested that those at the eastern end of the Mediterranean were the first to be parasitized. Hippocrates (ca. 400 BC) may describe this disease, but the first recorded cases clearly recognizable as typhus occurred in Spain in 1489.

Salmonella enterica serovar Typhi, or S. Typhi

Origin: Old World

Summary: Evidence for presence of the typhoid bacillus in the New World is limited. Much more evidence would be needed before we could be confident of the pre-Columbian presence of S. enterica and thus of the possibility of a transoceanic transfer.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Salmonela enterica—the typhoid bacillus

Chin 2000, 535—7. A new nomenclature for Salmonella has been proposed based on DNA relatedness. Only two species would be recognized, S. bongori and S. enterica. All human pathogens would be regarded as serovars within subspecies I of S. enterica. The proposed nomenclature would change S. typhi (italicized) to S. enterica serovar Typhi (last term not italicized), abbreviated S. Typhi (Typhi here is not italicized and a capital letter is used). The new nomenclature had not been officially approved as of mid—1999, but some official agencies have adopted it.

Alchon 1991, 20. Marvin Allison has suggested that typhoid fever may have existed in the Americas before 1492 (citing Allison 1979 in re. his finding of Salmonella antigens in Peruvian mummies; others doubt its presence).

Saunders et al. 1992, 118. Newman (1985) suggests pre-European contact diseases included Salmonella infection.

Guerra 1966, 330—2. The two most important aboriginal Aztec disease entities were matlazahuatl and cocolitztli. Translation of the terms remains unclear. His analysis of the symptoms indicates that the former was exanthematic typhus, with a faint possibility that it was typhoid fever (his emphasis).

Hare 1967, 124. "There is no reason to doubt that this bacillus could have become established in Palaeolithic societies and might even have been taken to the Americas [via Bering Strait] . . .. [But the reference has to be to the salmonella subspecies that caused gastroenteritis, for serovar Typhi probably was not yet in existence.] None of this can be proved but all [organisms of this type] were causing disease in the Old World before the Christian era" [but how much before?]

Van Blerkom 1985, 67—8. A short treatment. S. Typhi was probably not indigenous (i.e., in existence in pre-Columbian times] to the New World, while other forms undoubtedly were.

Schistosoma sp.

Origin: Old World

Summary: Because Hoeppli believed that Schistosomiasis was in the New World before Columbus, questions should be studied about whether and how this trematode reached theAmericas.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Schistosoma haematobium—cause of bilharziasis (snail fever)

Chin 2000, 447—8. A blood fluke (trematode) infection with adult male and female worms living within mesenteric or vesical veins of the host over a life span of many years. Three major species cause human disease: S. mansoni, S. haematobium, and S. japonicum. Four other species are of importance only in limited areas. S. mansoni is found in Africa, Arabia, and eastern South America. S. haematobium is in Africa and the Middle East. S. japonicum is in China and Indonesia. None of the species is indigenous to North America. Epidemiologic persistence of the parasite depends on the presence of an appropriate snail as intermediate host, i.e., species of the genera Biomphalaria, Bulinus, Oncomelania, Neotricula, and Robertsiella. Infection is acquired from water containing free-swimming larval forms (cercariae) that have developed in snails. Transmitted usually while the person is working, swimming, or wading in water.

Hoeppli 1969. "Some of the infections introduced by Africans already occurred in the New World in pre-Columbian time." Schistosomiasis is one.

Millet et al. 1998, 99, 101, 104. Schistosoma haematobium is confirmed in a 3200-year-old Egyptian mummy by the presence of S. (?haematobium) ova.

Sandison and Tapp 1998, 40. They accept that S. haematobium ova were found in the ROM I mummy (Egyptian).

Kuhnke 1993, 456. Schistosomiasis. Described in Egyptian inscriptions and papyri. Ova found in Egyptian mummies from 1200 BC. Snail hosts lived in slow-moving water, as in oases.

Shigella dysenteriae

Origin: Old World

Summary: New information would have to be found demonstrating shigellosis in the New World before this question could be considered seriously.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Shigella dysenteriae (or S. sonnei, S. flexneri, S. boydii)—causes of bacillary dysentery

Chin 2000, 451—3. Human reservoir. Transmitted by fecal/oral contamination. The S. genus is comprised of four species, or serogroups.

Saunders 1992, 118. Newman (1985) suggests that pre-European contact diseases included bacillary dysentery.

Newman 1976, 669. Among diseases that were part of man's primate ancestry and that either crossed the Bering Strait cold-screen or were "acquired in the Americas": "bacillary . . . dysentery."

Kunitz and Euler 1972, 27—8. Turkeys have been implicated in the spread of Shigella organisms. Occurs among modern Indians of the Southwest U.S.

Hare 1967, 124. "There is no reason to doubt that this could have become established in Palaeolithic societies and might even have been taken to the Americas [via Bering Strait] . . .. None of this can be proved but all [disease organisms of this type] were causing disease in the Old World before the Christian era."

Van Blerkom 1985, 67—9. Could have come in Paleolithic hunting populations. There are no ethno-historical records of shigellosis, for it was only distinguished from other dysenteries in 1873.

Staphylococcus aureus

Origin: Old World

Summary: As a first approximation (in the absence of much data) transmission to the Americas via Bering Strait makes sense; however, transmission by voyagers at a later time provides an acceptable alternative explanation.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Staphylococcus x aureus

Chin 2000, 460—2. Bacterial skin lesions are common: impetigo, carbuncles, abscesses, etc. There are various strains and many varied manifestations of staph infection. Reservoir: humans. Major site of colonization is the anterior nares. Transmission is through contact with a person who is a carrier of a pathogenic strain. Twenty to thirty percent of the general population (nowadays) are nasal carriers.

Newman 1976, 669. Among diseases that were part of man's primate ancestry and that either crossed the Bering Strait cold-screen or were "acquired in the Americas": "a range of bacterial pathogens such as staphylococcus."

Saunders et al. 1992. Newman (1985) suggests that pre-European contact diseases included staphylococcus.

Hare 1967, 128. Commensal organisms such as S. aureus and S. albus are worldwide. "They have almost certainly accompanied man from his pre-hominid ancestor."

Van Blerkom 1985, 75—6. It is reasonably certain that staphylococcal infections were universally distributed through both hemispheres before Columbus. Some authors believe staphylococci were absent from the Americas, but she considers that they have ignored substantial evidence.

Streptococcus pneumoniae

Origin: Old World

Summary: That there was transfer between the hemispheres there is no doubt. When and how this came about is unknown. It could have been by Paleo Amerindians but equally well by voyagers.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Streptococcus pneumoniae

Chin 2000, 387—8. The infectious agent for pneumonia. Reservoir: humans. Pneumococci are commonly found in the upper respiratory tract of healthy people throughout the world. Transmission is by droplet spread, oral contact, or indirectly through articles soiled with respiratory discharges.

Newman 1976, 669. Among Amerindian native diseases: pneumonia.

Allison, Pezzia, Hasegawa, and Gerszten 1974, 468. Cited by Newman as documentation for the presence of pneumonia.

Verano and Ubelaker 1991, 213. "Studies of mummified human remains from the coastal desert of southern Peru and northern Chile have provided conclusive evidence for the presence of . . . pneumonia." (Emphasis added.)

Hare 1967, 119. This organism may persist for long periods in carriers, rendering it much more capable of surviving in scattered Palaeolithic populations. Pre-Columbian skulls have been found in the Americas showing evidence of acute infection of the mastoid from S. pyogenes [agent of 'strep' throat infection] or Diplococcus (=Streptococcus) pneumoniae. (Cites Hooton 1930, on Pecos). ". . . It would seem probable that one or both of [those two] organisms had become established in the Old World and were carried to the Americas before the land bridge over the Bering Strait was covered . . .." 123. Related streptococcal infections likewise probably were this old.

Van Blerkom 1985, 59—60. A variety of agents cause pneumonia: adenoviruses, parainfluenza viruses, respiratory syncytial virus, and others. Also can be caused by various bacteria, many of them normal nose and throat inhabitants, pneumocystis (a protozoan), and a chlamydia. Cook (1946) reports that the Aztecs probably suffered from respiratory infections; some of these were most likely rhinoviruses and other cold viruses. Some were probably due to some of the causative agents of pneumonia. "In particular, there is evidence that pneumococci, Streptococcus pneumoniae, were present in the pre-Columbian New World because these micro-organisms also cause mastoiditis, ample skeletal evidence of which exists for prehistoric America (Moodie 1967, 43)." S. pneumoniae naturally infects wild primates and has a worldwide distribution in all climates and races. Found in mummies from Egypt and Peru.

Streptococcus pyogenes

Origin: Old World

Summary: It is evident that there was a transfer of this organism. Transfer via Bering Strait may be doubted because of the assumed cold-screen. That leaves transfer by voyagers as plausible.

Grade: B

Sources: Streptococcus pyogenes—scarlet fever, strep sore throat, rheumatic fever

Chin 2000, 470—3. Group A streptococci occur in approximately 80 serologically distinct types that vary greatly in geographic and time distributions. Skin infection sources are usually of different type from those associated with throat infections. Scarlet fever is one manifestation, as are erysipelas, impetigo, puerperal fever, and rheumatic fever. Reservoir: humans. Transmitted by large respiratory droplets or direct contact with carriers.

Newman 1976, 669. Among diseases that were part of man's primate ancestry and that either crossed the Bering Strait cold-screen or were "acquired in the Americas": "a range of bacterial pathogens such as streptococcus."

Hare 1967. Pre-Columbian skulls have been found in the Americas showing evidence of acute infection of the mastoid from S. pyogenes or Diplococcus pneumoniae. (Cites Hooton 1930, on skulls from Pecos.) ". . . It would seem probable that one or both organisms had become established in the Old World and were carried to the Americas before the land bridge over the Bering Strait was covered . . .."

Van Blerkom 1985, 76—8. S. pyogenes was undoubtedly present in the New World before Columbus. Probably came across the Bering Strait.

Strongyloides sp.

Origin: Old World

Summary: Transfer is definite, and sea travelers are the most (only?) plausible means for it to be accomplished.

Grade: B

Sources: Strongyloides sp.—hair worm, threadworm nematode

Reinhard 1988, 359. From Antelope House (New Mexico) traces of this parasite were recovered from a coprolite. 362. It was also found in dog coprolites at this site, which suggests that dogs acted as a reservoir of infection for the human population.

Sandison and Tapp 1998, 40. The (Egyptian) mummy Asru showed larval forms of this worm in the intestines.

Verano 1998, 221. Once thought absent from New World, the presence of Strongyloides is now confirmed from (Peruvian) mummy study.

Patterson 1993, 1016. Occurs around the world with a range similar to that of the hookworms. Like hookworms, the filariform Strongyloides larvae penetrate human skin, often through an unshod foot, reach heart and lungs, etc.

T-cell lymphotropic (retro)virus (HTLV-I)

Origin: Old World

Summary: Only a limited number of peoples in the Americas have this disease. To appeal to any early Bering-Strait explanation to account for that distribution is implausible. A limited number of voyages account for the observed facts.

Grade: A

Sources: HTLV-I.

León, De León, and Ariza 1996, 132—6. The route by which the human T cell lymphotropic (retro)virus (HTLV-I) reached the Americas has been much discussed. Seroepidemiologic, genetic, virologic, molecular, anthropological, archaeological, and oceanographic data lead the authors to conclude that this virus could have arrived not only from Africa (as previously suggested, via colonial-era slaves), but also from Kyushu Island in Japan more than 5000 years ago through direct voyaging. (The subjects of this study, the Noanama people, were Amerindians from the high mountains of southwestern Colombia; their geographical and social isolation reduces the chance of any contact with the slaves of African origin brought to Colombia by the Spaniards.)

A comparative study made some years ago utilized thirteen genetic markers to distinguish racial groups of the world. The study yielded one very interesting result—the Noanama had very close relations with Samoans on the one hand and Japanese—especially Ainu—on the other. This result suggests that HTLV-I was introduced to South America from the Far East thousands of years ago by a route other than the Bering Strait. Furthermore, recent genetic studies on native South Americans showed that their ancestors possessed genetic markers related to the histo-compatibility leucocyte antigen (HLA) like the Japanese of Kyushu (citing Sonoda et al.). A direct voyaging contact from Japan to Colombia would explain this relationship, because populations of North and Central America are totally without the HLA markers. At a mitochondrial DNA level, study of the deletion 9 bp in the human genome has shown it to be Asiatic, especially being found in North American Indians and Polynesians (citing Torroni et al., and Hanihara et al.). Yet, it is not present in the (Jomon-derived) Ainu, and the 9 bp deletion is also absent among the Noanama (as well as on the coasts of Chile and Peru a thousand years earlier). This suggests an intrusion of people from Japan. They cite the archaeological findings of Meggers et al. for the intrusive Valdivia culture of Ecuador as confirming their position.

Finally, Japanese investigators have voyaged across the Pacific by the North Pacific route to Colombia, which the authors suppose was used anciently, and these researchers used vessels similar to those of prehistoric times. This demonstrates that it was possible to make such a voyage (Errazurriz and Alvarado, 1993).

Miura et al. 1994, 1124—7. Specimens of T-lymphotropic virus type I (HTLV-I) were phylogenetically analyzed from native inhabitants in India, Colombia, Chile, and Ainu of Japan (the last "regarded as pure Japanese descendants from the pre-agricultural 'Jomon' period"). The phylogenetic tree for the 'cosmopolitan' type virus involved groupings into three lineages. One consists of some Caribbean, two South American, and some Japanese isolates, including that from the Ainu plus an (Asian) Indian isolate. This subtype implies a close connection of the Caribbean and two narrowly-defined South American peoples with the Japanese and "thereby a possible migration of the lineage to the American continent via Beringia in the Paleolithic era." [Their 1996 article expands upon and essentially supercedes this one. One cannot attribute an infection found in only a few limited areas in the Americas to communication across Bering Strait many millennia ago.]

Treponema pallidum subspecies pallidum

Origin: Old World?

Summary: The single treponeme at the root of the whole range of manifestations called yaws, pinta, endemic syphilis, and venereal syphilis could have been and probably was present in both hemispheres very anciently. The diseases caused by the micro-organism depended upon environmental and social conditions in the lives of host humans. Nevertheless, hemispheric or regional sub-developments in the infection of a special nature could have been transmitted across the ocean by one or more of the voyaging parties now known to have made the trip. If so only very special evidence of unusual virulence in a given location would have to be detected to demonstrate the connection. While the possibility is open, the likelihood of finding such evidence is unlikely.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Treponema pallidum—the infectious agent producing syphilis, yaws, etc.

Rose 1997, 24—5. Bruce and Christine Rothschild examined 687 skeletons from New World archaeological sites, ranging in age from 400 to 6000 years. Populations in New Mexico, Florida, and Ecuador proved to have syphilis, while those to the north (Ohio, Illinois, Virginia) had yaws. By contrast, 1,000 Old World skeletons dated to before contact with the New World revealed no cases of syphilis. They had begun by analyzing collections of skeletons from Guam where the only treponemal disease predating 1668 was yaws. Also, they analyzed Near Eastern Bedouin for bejel and in both cases, as well as in North American cases of syphilis (diagnosed at autopsy), identified characteristic bone changes for each disease. The earliest New World yaws cases were at least 6,000 years old, while the first syphilis cases were at least 800 and perhaps more than 1,600 years old. This suggests that syphilis may be a New World mutation of yaws.

Meanwhile, Olivier Dutour of Marseilles has recently claimed that a 4th-century AD skeleton of a seven-month-old fetus found in France has lesions from congenital syphilis, but B. Rothschild has examined the skeleton and contends that it is not a case of congenital syphilis but of lithopedion, calcification of a fetus, a rarity.

Alcina F. 1979. Verneau examined 39 skills apparently of pre-Columbian Guanche people, and they seemed to him to exhibit lesions of syphilitic origin. Others have questioned that identification.

Anderson 1986, 341—50. Ninety-five skeletons examined reveal bone conditions compatible with treponemal infection, suspected to be endemic syphilis. This occurrence dates earlier than 1531, the earliest known date for syphilis from Norway. No evidence has been reported previously from any part of Europe for this period for endemic syphilis. It appears that an impoverished segment of the Trondheim population suffered endemic (not venereal) syphilis in the 16th century.

Bogdan and Weaver 1992, 155—63. Summarizes the three competing theories for the evolution of treponematosis: (1) New World origin of syphilis, (2) Europe-to-New World, and (3) unitary or both-hemisphere presence. Advocates of the second maintain that venereal syphilis in Europe was not distinguished from a number of diseases grouped under the term 'leprosy,' including Roman, Greek, and later references to "venereal leprosy."

Goldstein 1969, 285—94. It is now known that treponematosis in one form or another has been present on every continent for thousands of years; "the old argument about whether Columbus' sailors brought syphilis to the New World or carried it back to Europe is moot."

Bullen 1972, 133—74. Recapitulates literature showing that treponemiasis was recognized in Florida skeletons 90 years ago and since. Evidence for syphilis is as early as the Archaic, ca. 3000 BC.

Daws and Magilton 1980. They report a probable European case of syphilis dating before AD 1500.

El-Najjar 1979, 599—618. Only one treponeme, T. pallidum, exists. European and New World strains were apparently interchanged at the time of the Conquest, with extreme virulence manifest in both areas as a result of the new introductions.

Goff 1967, 287—93. "Treponematous ancient bone lesions have been difficult if not impossible to identify scientifically in the light of our present knowledge."

Hackett 1967, 152—69. A series of maps displays the author's inferences about probable geographical distributions of the four treponematoses—pinta, yaws, endemic syphilis, and venereal syphilis. Pinta, the earliest, was essentially worldwide by about 15,000 BC. From about 3000 BC to the 1st century BC endemic syphilis existed throughout northern Africa and Arabia to Mongolia (as well as in central Australia and Bechuanaland). At the same period, yaws was present in tropical Africa and south and Southeast Asia through Oceania. Pinta was only American, essentially limited to Mexico through Brazil.

Hare 1967, 125. Depends chiefly on Hackett. About 7000 BC, T. pallidum was evolved in the Old World and caused endemic syphilis. This was largely confined to the warm arid climates of North Africa, Southwest Africa, and ultimately, Australia. The same organism then about 3000 BC began to cause venereal syphilis in the mild form. The urban revolution facilitated this change. It continued to behave in this way but in the early years of the 16th century AD was supplanted by a more virulent mutant that produced the widespread epidemic of severe syphilis in Europe frequently considered to have been imported from the Americas by Columbus. [Hare says nothing about a duplicate mutation sequence in the Americas. Either that happened apart from the Old World sequence, or the venereal syphilitic organism had to have reached the New World via migrants after 3000 BC, when, according to Hare, the venereal syphilis treponeme originated. Of course, the orthodox interpretation is that there were no migrants to the New World after 3000 BC.]

Tisseuil 1974, 40—4. Endemic syphilis was widespread in Europe in the Middle Ages ("by cutaneous transmission"), mainly among the deprived classes. At the end of the 15th century, movements of armies and populations favored an epidemic explosion of venereal syphilis in Europe which was promptly carried to the New World.

Willcox 1972, 21—37. Considers that endemic syphilis was common in pre-Columbian Europe.

Hudson 1958. American pinta was essentially a variety of yaws, the latter somehow derived from the Old World in prehistoric times.

Hudson 1965, 885—901. The four syndromes of treponematosis are from one organism. Their manifestations form a continuum from yaws to venereal syphilis, variations dependent on local natural and social conditions. Lesions representing effects of the disease are evident in bones worldwide. No definitive indicator allows distinguishing in the bones venereal syphilis from the other forms. It would have appeared in many places after it spread in relatively benign forms in Mesolithic/Neolithic times. Certainly, there is no merit in the theory that Columbus' crew carried syphilis to a previously untainted Europe.

O'Neill 1991, 270—87. Because of similarities of the early stages of leprosy and syphilis, syphilis may have been present in medieval Europe and mislabeled leprosy.

Livingstone 1991, 587—90. Treponemes were ubiquitous in human populations in both hemispheres but changed in different habitats. Epidemics of diseases no longer present but which had pathologies similar to modern treponemes no doubt occurred in the past. Syphilis in Europe may have come from the New World, but the tropical regions of the Old World, at that time being heavily contacted by Europeans for the first time, seem a more likely source. A non-venereal treponeme from Africa may have made the adaptation to venereal form at that time, hence syphilis is [still conditional: "may be"] one of the world's newest diseases. Increased occurrence of it in the Americas in post-Columbian times is evidence that a virulent strain was brought from the Old World (i.e., Africa) at the time of Columbus.

Weiss (1984, 35—37) considers three kinds of treponemal infections to have been present in pre-Columbian America—endemic syphilis (not the same as classic syphilis however) and 'pian' and 'mal del pinto.' Both these are rural infections. Syphilis is urban (today). "The fact is very significant that some of the traits that a comparative clinical study of treponemiasis seem properly to belong to the evolved characterization of mal del pinto have been noted also as traits of the so-called endemic syphilis known as bejel of the Bedouins of the Euphrates, the syphilis of the Arabs."

Van Blerkom 1985, 100—1. The causative agent of pinta is difficult to distinguish from that of yaws. Since yaws is a tropical disease (because growth of the spirochete in the skin requires warmth and humidity), it could not have been carried to the New World via early hunter groups across Bering Strait. There is one report of yaws in a pre-Columbian Mexican skull (Goff 1967, 291), but the evidence is questionable. The oldest evidence of yaws is in the Mariana Islands, from about 850 BP, and Iraq, dating to AD 500.

Goff 1967, 279—94. Many reliable investigators believe yaws was endemic in the New World at the Conquest. 291, 293. Bones from Mexico are illustrated and discussed showing what may be yaws (probably pre-Columbian).

Trichophyton concentricum

Origin: Old World

Summary: This fungus at least (as well as, perhaps, others of the genus) is manifest in Oceania and Southeast Asia, as well as in Tropical America. No explanation for the distribution is plausible other than movement by infected voyagers across the Pacific Ocean to the Americas.

Grade: B

Sources: Trichophyton spp. (includes T. concentricum)—ringworm of the body

Chin 2000, 147—53. Transmission is skin-to-skin or by indirect contact through shared objects. This is a fungal disease of the skin, other than of the scalp, bearded areas, and feet that characteristically appears as flat, spreading, ring-shaped lesions. Infectious agents: most species of Microsporum and Trichophyton

Regarding literature on distribution, see Microsporum spp.

Ainsworth 1993, 731. Trichophyton concentricum (tinea imbricata) is endemic in Southwest Asia and the South Sea Islands. It has other minor endemic centers in South America.

Ajello 1960, 30. Trichophyton spp. are some of the eleven species of fungi that are cosmopolitan, seven of which are anthropophilic. T. concentricum is recorded from Oceania, Asia, and North, Central and South America, but not north of Mexico or in Europe or Africa. 34. The geographic distribution of T. concentricum may be of anthropological significance. It is widespread among the inhabitants of Polynesia and the countries bordering the western shores of the Pacific Ocean; however, it is only a sporadic parasite of Indians living in the tropical forests of Brazil, Guatemala, Mexico, and San Salvador. The disparity in prevalence between the Asian endemic areas and those of Latin America leads him to speculate that the fungus was introduced from Asia into the New World.

Trichosporon ovoides

Origin: Old World

Summary: There is no explanation for the bi-hemispheric distribution except that voyaging humans conveyed it from other areas to the Americas.

Grade: A

Source: Trichosporon ovoides (or T. inkin; formerly T. beigelii)—a fungus causing a disease of the scalp and hair

Fonseca 1970, 228—32. Known particularly from Brazil, but also Asia. Causes a group of nodular parasitic diseases of the hair and beard characterized by white or clear nodules on individual hairs. The fungus is of the genus Trichosporon, so he calls the disease piedra tricospórica; others have called it piedra branca. It stands in contrast to the disease piedra, for which see Piedraia hortai.

Trichuris trichiura

Origin: Old World

Summary: No explanation for the Asian-South American distribution is plausible except that humans brought the organism via voyaging.

Grade: A

Sources: Trichuris trichiura—whipworm

Reinhard 1992, 231—45. He reprises South American incidence of the whipworm (Trichuris trichiura). The findings suggest direct transpacific contact, some think by way of Japan and Ecuador. Since both hookworms and whipworms require warm, moist conditions for the completion of their life cycles, finding human-specific parasites in the Americas is circumstantial evidence for transpacific contact.

Verano 1991, 15—24. Coprolites from coastal Peru show the whipworm by 2700 BC.

Verano 1998, 221. T. trichiura, one of parasites once thought absent from New World, but now found.

Ferreira et al. 1988, 65—7. Evidence was found in a cave site in Minas Gerais state, Brazil, dated between 3490 and 430 BP, consisting of eggs of T. trichiura and Necator americanus. The same parasites, found at Unai, Minas Gerais (i.e., Trichuris trichiura and Necator americanus), have now been identified in human coprolites from Boqueirão do Sitio da Pedra Furada, Brazil, in a stratum dated to 7320±80 BP.

Patterson 1993,1058. (Trichuris trichiura). Archaeological evidence shows that this worm infected people in the Americas prior to the voyage of Columbus.

Trychostrongylus sp.

Origin: Old World

Summary: If this find is accepted, then it is the only one in the Western Hemisphere. Such spotty distribution would not have resulted from an early spread via Bering Strait. That leaves a limited-destination voyage as the only theory. More data are needed.

Grade: Incomplete

Source: Trychostongylus sp.—a helminthic parasite

Reinhard 1988, 359, 361. Found the organism in a coprolite from Antelope House, New Mexico. Other parasitologists dispute his identification, suggesting hookworm.

Tunga penetrans

Origin: New World

Summary: Blanchard's report is highly suggestive of a sudden intrusion if this organism into Africa. More historical evidence would have to turn up in Africa to show definitely that a pre-Columbian voyage was responsible.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Tunga penetrans (syn. Pulex penetrans)—chigger, nigua

Blanchard 1890, II, 484—93. In AD 1324, according to chronicles, a caravan of Mansa Musa in Touat (In-Salah) (in the center of modern Algeria) was attacked by a strange disease. People suffered in their feet by a foot-penetrating parasite/flea (considered here to be Pulex penetrans), which is a particular species of Central America, perhaps Sarcopsylla penetrans (called nigua in Mexico, pique in Peru, and pula penetrante in the Antilles). It was first medically observed in Africa in the year 1870.

Weiss 1984, 19. A nigua is represented in a ceramic effigy in the Museo Amano, Lima.

Karasch 1993, 537. Tunga penetrans, the chigger that burrows into the feet where it lays its eggs and causes painful foot ulcers, was native to Brazil.

Wuchereria bancrofti

Origin: Old World

Summary: Much more evidence than Hoeppli offers would have to turn up before we could take a voyaging transmission of this organism seriously, but such study should be made.

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Wuchereria bancrofti—a threadlike worm or nematode

Chin 2000,197—9. The cause of Bancroftian filariasis. Transmitted by the bite of a mosquito, the most important being several Anopheles and Aedes species.

Hoeppli 1969. "Some of the infections introduced by Africans already occurred in the New World in pre-Columbian time." Elephantiasis [filariasis] was one.

Yersinia pestis

Origin: Old World

Summary: It may be said that Y. pestis is simply zoonotic in origin and as such has no relevance to the question of human incidence. But that dodges the question of exactly how the infectious organism, a bacillus, came to be in the Americas at all. Either an infected animal or an infected human crossed the ocean. (Bering Strait won't do if we are talking about small animals.) Van Blerkom's observations about Y. pestis orientalis involve a crucial consideration. We are not persuaded that an introduction of the plague by a human being in 1855 provides an adequate explanation for the occurrence of Y. p. orientalis a century and a half later for the bacillus infecting a wide variety of wild rodents over a good deal of the hemisphere. An introduction of the organism by voyagers from "Southeast Asian seaports" several millennia ago provides a far superior explanation.

Grade: B

Sources: Yersinia pestis (ex. Pasteurella pestis)—the plague bacillus

Chin 2000, 381—3. Endemic in eastern and southern Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Reservoir: wild rodents, especially ground squirrels, and also rabbits and hares. Transmission is as a result of human intrusion into the zoonotic (sylvan or rural) cycle, or by the entry of sylvatic rodents or their infected fleas into man's habitat. Domestic pets may carry plague-infected wild rodent fleas into homes. The most frequent source of exposure that results in human disease has been the bite of infected fleas (especially Xenopsylla cheopis, the oriental rat flea). Person to person transmission by Pulex irritans fleas, the 'human' flea, is presumed important in the Andes area.

Stodder and Martin 1992, 55—73. Sylvatic plague probably occurred in the Southwest U.S. before the Spanish arrival (citing Van Blerkom 1985)

Hare 1967, 115—131. P. pestis parasitizes many species of rodents, although most human infections are caught from the black rat. There is no evidence that the disease occurred at any time during the pre-Christian era. [Ergo, it could not have reached the Western Hemisphere via early settlers traversing the Bering Strait.]

Van Blerkom 1985, 48, 50—9. Although human plague is more commonly zoonotic in origin, it can be transmitted from man to man, with or without the agency of vector fleas, and humans can act as a reservoir of the disease. Two forms are differentiated ecologically: sylvatic, the original form, and urban. Sylvatic, of course, is present in wild rodents and their fleas. The same organism can produce three different forms of plague, depending on the mode of transmission and climate: (1) bubonic, (2) pneumonic, and (3) septicemic. Pneumonic plague is more common in dry temperate zones and as a result of contact with infected wild rodents (usually contracted while skinning or otherwise handling the animal, or from a bite). Highly contagious, it localizes in the lungs and is rapidly fatal without medical treatment. It spreads rapidly to other humans via the respiratory route. Human fleas, Pulex irritans, can spread bubonic plague without the involvement of rats, and Xenopsylla cheopis (the flea of R. rattus) also readily infests humans. Over 200 species of rodent, as well as other mammals, can carry plague. Most domesticated and commensal rodents do. 57. Many (Schwabe {1969, 282} calls it a consensus) believe that sylvatic plague is indigenous in the Americas. Several lines of evidence seem to support this conclusion. The most compelling evidence in favor of pre-Columbian plague is the existence of several extensive sylvatic foci in both North and South America, with the largest being in western North America in ground squirrels and other rodents. Also focussed in eastern Siberia and western Canada. This distribution suggests that plague is an ancient and widely distributed disease of rodents diffused across the Bering Strait. She disagrees. 58. There are three subspecies, Y. p. orientalis, endemic in India, Burma, and South China; Y. p. antiqua, carried by rodents in Central Asia and Africa; and Y. p. mediaevalis, of the Black Death and Europe and today found only in West Africa. If New World sylvatic plague were an indigenous disease of the rodents of this hemisphere, one would expect it to be the same strain found on the other side of the Bering Strait, Y. p. antiqua, the parent of the others. However, American plague is the same as the urban strain found in Southeast Asian seaports, Y. p. orientalis (Alland 1970, 101—2; Hull 1963, 534). This suggests that plague was carried by ship to the Americas from Southeast Asia during the last pandemic. She considers that to have been in China in 1855. Only later was plague found in wild rodents, and it seems to have spread rapidly into wild reservoirs from the original murine foci in seaports (Hull 1963, 547—54). [This presumes an unbelievable rate of spread to a wide variety of rodents (up to 200 species; see her p. 56) over a wide geographical range. The presence of Y. p. orientalis in the Americas can be explained much more economically by supposing its arrival on a pre-Columbian voyage from Southeast Asia, allowing time for a normal rate of dispersion.]

Other fauna

Alphitobius diaperinus

Origin: Old World

Summary: This species is present in parallel mortuary circumstances in ancient Egypt and Peru.

Grade: A

Sources: Alphitobius diaperinus (Panzer)—the lesser mealworm beetle

Buckland and Panagiotakopulu 2001, 554. They note that Riddle and Vreeland (1982) report two species of Coleoptera, Stegobium paniceum and Alphitobius diaperinus, present in pre-Columbian Peruvian mummies examined in Lima. "Both species are recorded also from Pharaonic Egypt and Roman sites in Britain (e.g., Hall and Kenward 1990), and must therefore be of Old World origin."

Riddle and Vreeland 1982, 7. For discussion of the mummy bundles analyzed, see under Stegobium paniceum. Alphitobius diaperinus (Panzer) is known as the 'lesser mealworm.' It is a common pest of stored dried foods, such as grains, cereals, and seeds.

Panagiotakopulu 2000, 16, Table 3—3. Alphitobius diaperinus (Panz.). Earliest archaeological examples: British Isles, 2nd century AD. Also in Egypt ca. 1350 BC. 110. Also recovered in the (Roman) Mons Claudianus (Egypt) samples. It is an omnivorous feeder, associated with a wide range of commodities, e.g. grains, flour, leather, bones, ground nuts, etc. The species has recently been recorded from Tell el-Amarna, Egypt. 12. An omnivorous feeder, associated with grains, flour, leather, bones, etc.

Alfieri 1976, 200. Collected from Alexandria, Cairo, El Wasta, Asyut, and Siwa areas.

Canis familiaris

Origin: Old World

Summary: One or more of the specialized varieties of dogs known in pre-Columbian America probably were, or could have been, imported to the hemisphere, but none of the evidence is conclusive.

Grade: C

Sources: Canis familiaris—the dog

Mair's data (1998) clarify the age of the domesticated dog. It turns out that the dog-in-the-company-of-humans, even in the Old World, is not as old as has commonly been assumed. The earliest domestication (or taming) was in the Near East (the Natufian era) only around 12,000 years ago. Dogs in the European Mesolithic period date to the order of 9000—6000 BP. 22—3. The earliest dogs we know of in China belong at around 6000 BP. Moreover, the common hypothetical root word for dog in ancestral language groupings, like Nostratic and Afro-Asiatic, appears to date "closer to 6000 BCE than to 10,000 BCE." These data might mean that domesticated dogs would not have been available in northeastern Asia to accompany migrants to the New World until a number of millennia after the first settlement of the Western Hemisphere.

Three varieties of canines may have been brought to the New World by voyagers from across the ocean:

(1) A voiceless, hairless dog

Coe (1968, 59) found physical evidence for eating small dogs at San Lorenzo in southern Mexico around 1000 BC.

Fiennes (1968. 26, 53—55, 103—110) wrote of the same special breed of hairless, 'toy' dogs that were kept and bred in China as well as in west Mexico and Peru as temple and sacrificial animals and for eating.

Campbell 1989, 385. Includes discussion of the place of hairless dogs in Mexico, Ecuador, and China. Dogs for eating appear in the Chorrera phase in coastal Ecuador, about 1500—500 BC, alongside such Asiatic traits as house effigies, roller and flat stamps, and ceramic pillows.

Tolstoy (1974) saw the hairless dog of Mexico derived from Asia (along with chickens and several plants).

Ling (1957) found what he considered "striking similarities" in a dog sacrifice complex that is ancient in Chinese archaeology, and that also occurs in parts of northern North America, South America, and Polynesia.

Roys 1931, 328. "Ah Bil, or Kik-bil. Canis caribaeus, L. (Gaumer 1917, p. 197). Perro mudo. 'Bil. Hairless dogs.' (Motul.) 'These were used to hunt birds and deer and were also eaten.' (Rel. de Yuc. I, 63; Landa 1900, p. 400)." 340. Tzotzim-pek. "A dog of this land with very short hair." (Motul.) "Also the Indians have another sort of dogs which have hair, but they do not bark either, and are of the same size as the others (hairless dogs)." (Rel. de Yuc. I, 63). Lit. 'hairy dog.'

Latcham 1922, 37. Three varieties of domestic dog can be suggested as having been brought by voyagers from the Old World. The first is the small hairless, often voiceless, dog used for food. In general, Latcham (1922, 37) observes that such creatures were used for food in Mexico, Central America, the Antilles, and Peru. Coe (1968, 59) reports their skeletons at the Olmec site of San Lorenzo at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec in the late 2nd or early 1st millennium BC. He also notes that the bones give evidence that the dogs were eaten.

Covarrubias (1957, 93) observes that raising and eating voiceless, hairless dogs was a characteristic of ancient Chinese culture (as early as the Shang Dynasty in the late 2nd millennium BC, according to Simoons, 1961).

(2) A possible European dog among the Inca of Peru

Friant and Reichlen (1950, 1—18) determined that "the Inca dog was not domesticated from a South American wild form but was brought from elsewhere already domesticated." Subsequently, Friant (1964—1965, 130—5) examined mummified dog remains and dog skulls in Inca burials and found that they compared closely with dog remains from Denmark in the late Neolithic. They postulated that the similarity must be due to the hybridization of Viking dogs with those of the "Indians," which eventually reached the Inca area. This proposition, which seems fanciful at first glance, is supported by the existence of a surprising corpus of inscriptions of runic type from numerous sites in Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina, reported and photographed by Mahieu (1988).

(3) A third variety documented by early naturalists visiting Northwest coastal Indian tribes

Lord (1866, 215; compare Vancouver 1798, I, 266; Kane 1859, 210) stated that "along the coast several tribes at one time kept dogs of a peculiar breed, having long white hair, that were annually shorn as we shear sheep, and the hair so obtained was woven into rugs." Kept on separate islets so as not to run away or mix with common canines, they differed "in every specific detail from all the other breeds of dogs belonging to either coast or inland Indians" (Lord 1866, 216). Kissell (1929, 85) further noted that the weaving of this dog hair was done on "a foreign loom" using an "archaic style of spinning found nowhere else in the world." This ethnographic anomaly was due, it was speculated, to possible contact with Asia. Lord observed, "Whence came this singular white long-haired dog?" His answer: "The . . . probable supposition is that it came from Japan; and I am informed by a friend who has been there, that the Japanese have a small long-haired dog, usually white, and from description very analogous to the dog that was shorn by the Indians of the coast and of Vancouver Island." The only other possible view (page 217) was that "it could have come . . . from the north, which is far from likely." That the dog was not indigenous, he was quite sure.

Kissell 1929, 85. Among unique features of weaving in this area are a foreign loom (possibly from Colombia), an archaic style of spinning found nowhere else in the world, and a strange domestic fleece-bearing dog that furnished textile fiber and is thought to have come from Asia, being raised solely for its hair and kept in dog folds on islands away from domestic dogs. (Kane 1859, 210 and Eells 1887, 630).

Vancouver 1798, I, 266. The dogs belonging to (certain Indians on the Puget Sound) were numerous and much resembled those of Pomerania, though in general somewhat larger. All were shorn as close to the skin as sheep in England. Their fleece was composed of a mixture of coarse wool with very fine long hair, capable of being spun into yarn. The abundance of these garments amongst the people indicates the animal from whence the raw material is procured to be very common in this neighborhood, as they have no one domesticated excepting the dog. 284. A survey vessel went ashore and found "upwards of two hundred people, attended by about forty dogs in a drove, shorn close to the skin like sheep."

Kane 1859, 210. (Northwest coast tribe not identified on this page.) "They have a peculiar breed of small dogs with long hair of a brownish black and a clear white. These dogs are bred for clothing purposes. The hair is cut off with a knife and mixed with goose down and a little white earth, with a view of curing the feathers." This is then "twisted into threads by rubbing it down the thigh with the palm of the hand . . .." "These threads are then woven into blankets by a very simple loom of their own contrivance."

Cicada sp.

Origin: Old World?

Summary: The occurrence of cicadas in both hemispheres, according to Balser, and similarities in cultural practices in relation to the insect, raises the possibility of a transfer of the genus, if not a particular species, to the Americas from East Asia by ancient voyagers. Or possibly the practices were transferred by Asian travelers when they discovered American cicada insects upon arrival in Central America. More research is desirable.

Grade: incomplete

Source: Cicada sp.—cicada, harvest fly

Balser 1988, 18. Cigarras, or chicharras, are of the sub-order Homoptera, known also by the Latin name cicadas. Their chirps are the song of the males. Females deposit their eggs in incisions made by them in the tender twigs of trees. These branches are broken off by even a gentle wind and fall to the ground. The larvae (wingless, scaly) thus reach the earth and enter the soil, where they live from four to twenty years (depending on the species and the latitude). The adult larvae feed on the fluids of roots. After a considerable time, they return to the surface of the earth. When fully developed, they climb the trunk of a tree to which they cling tightly. The larval skin then splits, and the adult insect emerges. It lives a little more than a week, during which time copulation is effected and a new life cycle begins. In the ancient cultures of China, the cicadas were a symbol of the resurrection. This is shown in a Han tomb (at Loyang) of the 1st or 2nd century AD, where a jade cicada was found placed in the mouth of the cadaver. Use of this insect as a funerary offering can be documented in China from the Eastern Chou Dynasty (770—256 BC) through the Ming Dynasty (until AD 1644). It seems that in China the metamorphosis of the cicada is intimately related to the calendar by its coinciding with the summer solstice.

Balser cont'd. In pre-Columbian America, we have little data on the cicada, except that the great naturalist, Anastasio Alfaro, in his book Investigaciones Científicos, refers to ancient documents (traditions) that speak of the immortality of the spirits of the natives, indicating that they (the natives) in the first months of the rainy season noted that out of the soil came bees, 'sphinxes,' and cicadas. Here, Balser reports several jade artifacts discovered in burials on the Nicoya peninsula of Costa Rica, which are carved in the form of cicadas, very similar to those cicada carved in jade in ancient China. He illustrates one of the Costa Rican examples (his Example No. 4 on p. 20).

Crax globicera

Origin: South Asia

Summary: Whitley's evidence is persuasive, but he involves so many disciplines that one wants confirmation of aspects of his argument from relevant specialists before accepting it at face value.

Grade: B

Source: Crax globicera (ex C. rubra)—the curassow

Whitley (1974) argues that this large bird was first tamed in Southeast Asia, then was carried to Africa. The evidence comes from comparisons of the names for the bird and cultural traits associated with it. From Africa, it reached eastern South America, where some group speaking a language of the Tupí-Guaraní family domesticated it. From there, it spread to Mesoamerica, where it was a domesticated species around the time of the Spanish Conquest (Tozzer 1941, 202).

Dendrocygna bicolor

Origin: South Asia

Summary: Whitley's evidence is persuasive, but he involves so many disciplines that one wants confirmation of aspects of his argument from relevant specialists before accepting it at face value.

Grade: B

Source: Dendrocygna bicolor—fulvous tree duck

Whitley (1974a) characterized this as one of eight species of a genus that originated in India. To the east of India, the East Indian Tree Duck has a relatively compact and coherent range extending through three subspecies to southern China, northern Australia, the Philippines, New Guinea, and Fiji. Westward, the fulvous tree duck reaches to Madagascar and East Africa. But it also has three loci in the New World: southern Brazil and Paraguay, Venezuela, and surrounding areas of northern South America and Mexico. (Leopold {1959} maps it along both coasts of Mexico.) In the Americas, it competes with an indigenous tree duck.

Whitley maintains that man must have had a role in the distribution of this domesticated duck. When he compared local names, the terms appear to have spread from Africa to South America (he proposes that this took place via the Cape of Good Hope aboard vessels with humans). Separate names appear among the Arawak- and Tupí Guaraní-speaking peoples on the lower and middle Amazon. The Mexican name seems to have come from Paraguay.

Gallus gallus

Origin: Southeast Asia

Summary: A variety of evidences from the American sources indicates that the distribution of Asiatic varieties of chickens in the Americas can only be accounted for by pre-Columbian voyages from Asia.

Grade: A minus

Sources: Gallus gallus—chicken

The conventional position among ornithologists has been that chickens were first imported to the New World by the Spaniards. If that had been the case, the chickens in the hands of Amerindians immediately after the Conquest all ought to have been of Mediterranean type, but they were certainly not exclusively so. Especially in the Andes, the native peoples soon after the Conquest had many chickens whose widespread name had no relation whatever to any name they might have learned from the Spaniards. Rather, various Asiatic-type chickens were manifest, that is, they were different in appearance, names, behavior, and uses from what the Spaniards knew (Carter 1971; 1998, 151—3; cf. Bright quoted in Hamp 1964). Multiple introductions of fowls across the Pacific are required to account for the disparate characteristics.

Latcham 1922, 175. At least three kinds of chickens used later by Indians in Chile were very distinct from those brought by the European conquerors. Those three types were present before the Spanish Conquest and are still represented among fowls kept by Araucanian Indians.

Castello 1924. He identified four varieties in Chile beyond the one brought by the Spaniards. The exotics all show Asiatic features; some are tailless and have multiple rows of comb on their foreheads as well as balls of puffy feathers at the sides and atop their heads, as do fowls in China (Carter 1971; Finsterbusch 1931; Sauer 1952).

C. Sauer (1952) summarized some of the evidence for the presence in South America of a black-boned, black-meated (BB-BM) chicken. Its breast meat is dark, a melanotic sheath surrounds the bones, and it bears tufts on the sides of its head. It also has raised hackles, a black tongue and legs, and characteristic coloring of the feathers that mark it as distinctively Southeast Asian.

Johannessen and collaborators (Johannessen 1981; Johannessen and Fogg 1982; Johannessen et al. 1984) have subsequently paid special interest to BB-BM chickens that are still found among various Indian groups in the Americas. This is a non-flocking chicken, displaying the social psychology characteristic of the chickens of Southeast Asia that leads them to stay apart from others when feeding.

At least among the groups that speak Mayan languages, Johannessen et al. found that the BB-BM chicken is not normally eaten but is used in divination or medical treatments in essentially the same manner as recorded in China in a great encyclopedia of medicine about 1530. The treatments in China and the Americas are highly esoteric. For instance, in highland Guatemala the chicken is cut sagitally, the cut surface bound against the soles of a patient's feet and left there for two or more hours; it is supposed to absorb pulmonary problems resulting from or causing an asthma attack. It is also used to cure 'omen's problems.' The curer has specific incantations in a non-Mayan language that must be recited while candles and copal incense are burned and rum is blown onto the patient's bare skin for shock effect. Other rituals involving the BB-BM chicken take the fowl's life in order to protect a house, family members, tools, and even ships against hexes by painting all with the blood of the chicken. The South American groups who use the BB-BM chickens (Araucanians of Chile and the Chipaya of Bolivia) have been said to be tied linguistically to the Maya.

These beliefs and practices correspond to Chinese ways with BB-BM fowls. Transmission of these cultural matters must have involved careful teaching by Asian cult practitioners. Such rites and beliefs could not have been imported by such ephemeral contact as natives had with people off the 17th-century Manila galleons. And it is only speakers of Maya who received, or at least have carried on, these practices.

Hartman's (1974) survey of the literature on the types of American chickens concluded that the Asian characteristics in American fowl can only be explained by voyagers' having introduced fowl to the New World across the Pacific Ocean before Columbus.

Most recently, linguist Soren Wichmann (1995, 76, 276) has reconstructed a term (*ce:wE{kV?} {n}) for 'chicken,' or 'hen,' in the Proto-Mixe-Zoquean language of Mexico, which is believed to have been in use in the territory of the Olmec civilization of Mexico of the 2nd millennium BC (Campbell and Kaufman 1976). He also reconstructed the expression *ná'w-ce:wy for 'cock.' Wichmann also gives nearly the same term for 'gallo/cock' for Proto-Zoquean from the 1st millennium BC. Both terms are distinct from words for 'turkey' in those tongues.

Guillemaud's (1947, 112) list of Mixe language terms in southern Mexico includes tseuk for 'gallina/hen,' and tsag-naj for 'gallo/cock,' which look as if they are in agreement with Wichman's terms.

Lasioderma serricorne

Origin: Americas (unclear)

Summary: The issue hinges on the place of origin of the species. It is well known now in the ancient Old World, but because it has been supposed connected with tobacco, it has been supposed to come from the New World. If from the Old World, no transoceanic transport can be supposed.

Transfer: Americas to Europe and the Mediterranean

Time of transfer: by the Egyptian Late Bronze Age, ca. 1400 BC

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Lasioderma serricorne—tobacco, or cigarette, beetle

Jett 2003. The species was first described in Europe in 1798, on dried American materials, especially tobacco, and was first recorded in the United States in 1886. The beetle has also now been reported from the Late Bronze Age Minoan town of Akrotiri on the island of Thera in the Aegean, as well as at two Egyptian sites.

Panagiotakopulu 2000, 9. Noting the archaeological appearance in the Mediterranean region of this species, she thinks that "Its origin could be also Near Eastern." Its first archaeological record is from Akrotiri (Late Bronze Age). It has also been found in Tut's tomb in Egypt. But on page 6, Table 3—1, opposite L. serricorne, under "Place of origin," the column is left blank, meaning that she considers the place of origin to be undetermined.

Alfieri 1931. First report on the finding of L. serricorne in King Tut's tomb.

Alfieri 1976, 82. Seven species/varieties are recorded. Lasioderma (Hypora) serricorne Fabricius, speciments from Alexandria, Cairo, Delta, Faiyum, and Luxor regions. "Numerous individuals found in an alabaster jar hermetically sealed in Tut Ank Amoun tomb 3500 years old."

Steffan 1982, 1985. L. serricorne was found in the mummy of Rameses II.

Steffan 1985. L. serricorne has several congeners, largely feeding on thistles, in the Old World. Hill (1994) considered the species of tropical origin. There are Mediterranean fossil records, which would support this explanation. Nevertheless, Steffan still relates the Rameses specimen to an unidentified species of Nicotiana from the mummy's visceral cavity.

Kislev 1991, 121. Origin of L. serricorne, Tropical America. 124. "The cigarette beetle." Attacks mainly high value commodities such as cocoa and finished goods such as tobacco products and various processed foods. 128 (Table 11.2.) L. serricorne is listed as having archaeological manifestations in Egypt (only). "Among the seven beetles [listed], two of them should be excluded from this context: the find of L. serricorne in an ancient Egyptian site (Alfieri 1931) has to be considered as a modern intrusion because the beetle is known to originate in Tropical America." He repeats the point on page 129: "The absence of L. serricorne . . . (which originated in the tropics) from the ancient Old World means that at least pulses were less likely to be damaged by pest beetles."

White 1990, 344. L. serricorne is "closely allied" with five species in North America. "In its native habitat" the species L. haemorrhoidale (Illiger), which he here reports, "exhibits a circum-Mediterranean distribution." The original host of L. serricorne was evidently the thistle, but at some time in the past it underwent an alteration of its feeding preference and became a pest of stored starches. There are more than 50 world species belonging to the genus Lasioderma, but the feeding preferences of fewer than 12 of these are known. There has never been a summary published of the genus. 347. Table 1 lists for L. serricorne's distribution, "Cosmopolitan," with no reference to literature.

Munro 1966, 93. Lasioderma serricorne probably had a sub-tropical origin although it is now cosmopolitan.

Littorina littorea

Origin: Old World

Summary: Transatlantic transplantation would be impossible without voyagers being involved.

Grade: A

Source: Littorina littorea—a mollusc

Spjeldnaes and Henningsmoen 1938. They suggest that this mollusc was introduced to North America by Norse settlers about AD 1000. There is no other apparent way to account for its presence on the west side of the Atlantic. It is a hardy species that could survive for a long time in the bottom water of open boats.

Meleagris gallopavo

Origin: New World

Summary: Archaeological, artistic, and historical documentation shows that the turkey reached and was in use in Europe and perhaps elsewhere in the Old World before Columbus' first voyage. Only by voyages across the ocean can this distribution be explained logically.

Grade: A

Sources: Meleagris gallopavo—turkey

Hennig (1940) claimed that an American turkey could be seen in a painted frieze at Schleswig Cathedral, which had been built about AD 1280. (That claim was rebutted by Stresemann (1940; also Rieth 1967) who showed that the mural had been restored in the 1800s and 1900s, hence the turkey figure as it existed in 1940 could have depended on knowledge acquired after Columbus had brought knowledge of the turkey to Europe (the situation was reprised in Bökönyi and Jánossy {1959} and Varshavsky {1961}).

Meanwhile, Hungarian archaeologists have recovered turkey bones in the 14th-century royal castle at Buda. Turkey bones have also been excavated from a carefully-dated 14th-century site in Switzerland (Bökönyi and Jánossy 1959). Other sites in Hungary of the 10th to 13th centuries have yielded signet rings engraved with images of this fowl, showing the fleshy pendent growth on the turkey's neck. In the light of these facts, it is possible that the Schleswig representation is authentically pre-Columbian.

Bökonyi and Jánossy (1959) reproduce a letter written in 1490 by Hungarian King Matthias, who died that same year, requesting through an envoy that the Duke of Milan send him turkeys 'galine de Indie.' (In post-Columbian Italy, the turkey was termed 'gallo de Indie.' 'Indie' refers to the Americas, 'the Indies,' while the common Mediterranean chicken was called 'fowl of Persia'). The Hungarian wished to acclimatize the turkey in his country. He asked that a man be sent who knew how to tend turkeys properly.

Confirmation of the late medieval European distribution of the turkey is provided by a comment in a Relación (colonial report of inspection) from Mérida, Yucatan, from about 1579, which says: "There are many turkeys in the mountains which differ little from those in Spain, very good to eat, very timid birds" (Tozzer 1941, viii, 186; emphasis added). Traditionally, turkeys have been thought to have arrived in Spain from the Americas via conquistadors no earlier than 1523, and descendants of those fowl would not likely have multiplied so fast in Spain in the intervening half century as to be spoken of in the implied familiar manner.

Mya arenaria

Origin: Western North Atlantic Ocean

Summary: Appearance of this mollusc in the ocean near Europe is unexplainable without involving humans and voyaging.

Grade: A minus

Source: Mya arenaria—American soft-shell clam

Petersen et al. 1992. They report that shells of this clam have been discovered off the Danish coast. Until now the view had been that it was distributed only in the Americas. A radiocarbon date in the 13th century has been obtained for a specimen of shell that leaves only "very slight probability" of its dating after Columbus. Since the transfer had to have involved human voyaging (presumably involving the clam only inadvertently), it "could have been transferred from North America to Europe by the Vikings."

Rhyzopertha dominica

Origin: unclear

Summary: Some authors had apparently supposed this insect to be from South America. Kislev and Panagiotakopulu have stated that it came from India, without any supporting information (so said also by Potter, see below). If from the Old World, transoceanic transport in antiquity cannot be claimed, but if from South America, then an explanation is called for to account for its presence in Old World archaeological sites.

Transfer: Americas to the eastern Mediterranean?

Grade: incomplete

Sources: Rhyzopertha dominica—lesser grain borer

Panagiotakopulu 2000, 9, 62, 104, 110—11. Found at the Minoan site of Akrotiri on the Island of Thera as well as in a Roman site in Egypt. While commonly referred to as the 'South American lesser grain borer,' Panagiotakopulu lists the origin (in the table on page 9) as "India." Also from Kahun in Egypt (1900—1800 BC), and in a vessel from Tut'ankhamun's tomb of 1345 BC. 9. "The lesser grain borer." It is a usual pest on grain in warmer countries, and is also recorded from a wide variety of crops, such as wheat, barley, millet, rice, maize, and sorghum as well as other products. It was originally described from South America (Munro 1966, 95), but may have originated in India, citing Kislev (1991).

Kislev 1991, 121. Lists the place of origin of this insect as "India" (without any discussion or justification). 124. It was found at Nahal Yattir, Israel, from the 2nd century AD. 124, Table 11.2. He shows archaeological manifestations of this species in Spain, Israel, and Egypt.

Hill 1983, 433. R. dominica, the lesser grain borer, infests stored cereals. It was originally described from South America but now is cosmopolitan.

Potter 1935, 451. The original home of R. dominica is not known for certain, but the balance of opinion is that it is India or the Indian subregion. 452. It is known from Central America (AD 1792), Cuba (1857), and Mexico and Honduras (1883). (Potter's comprehensive survey of the literature makes it doubtful that it was "originally described from South America."

Stegobium paniceum

Origin: Old World

Summary: This same species of beetle in both Egyptian and Peruvian burials can have no other explanation than transport by voyagers from the Old to the New World. (Cf. the presence of identical drugs in the burials in the same two areas, i.e., tobacco, coca, and hashish.)

Grade: A

Sources: Stegobium paniceum—the drugstore beetle

Riddle and Vreeland 1982. They speak of two species of Coleoptera, Stegobium paniceum and Alphitobius diaperinus, that come from pre-Columbian Peruvian mummies examined in Lima. Three bundles studied were radiocarbon dated to the Paracas (AD 86), Epigonal (AD 1231), and Huancho (AD 1240) periods. It was found on the Paracas bundle between the innermost and the second-layer wrapping cloth, and on the surface of the fourth wrapping cloth, which lay directly beneath a wig of braided human hair, which had been placed over the top of the bundle. The Epigonal bundle showed adult Alphitobius diaperinus, associated with a cotton garment folded and placed over the area of the knees directly in front of the body. The Hunach (sic; Huancho) bundle showed adult beetles of Stegobium paniceum in direct association with the fragments of cooked roots. "The possibility of post-exhumation contamination of the mummy bundles with modern insect populations was considered unlikely, because the outer wrappings showed no evidence of activity by boring insects, the storerooms in which the mummies had been located were periodically fumigated, and one of the Hunach (Huancho) mummy bundles was dissected just a few days after its excavation."

Buckland and Panagiotakopulu 2001, 6. Stegobium paniceum is commonly known as the 'drugstore beetle' or 'biscuit beetle,' a well-known pest which has been found in stored food of agricultural societies, including Old Kingdom Pharaonic Egypt ( ca. 2700—2181 BC).

Panagiotakopulu 2000, 9. Breeds in starchy materials, including cereals and many other commodities such as spices, cocoa, beans, etc. Also known as the 'biscuit beetle.' It was recovered from deposits of 1399 BC and bread of 2049 BC from Egypt. 62. "The biscuit beetle" was found at Bronze Age Wilsford, Wiltshre, in England, and in Egypt ca. 3400 BC.

Kislev 1991, 128, Table 11.2. Shows archaeological manifestations of stored-product pest, S. paniceum, at four sites in England and two in Egypt.

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